Tuberculous Otitis Media: Report of 2 Cases on Long Island, N.Y., and a Review of all Cases Reported in the United States from 1990 through 2003

2005 ◽  
Vol 84 (8) ◽  
pp. 488-497 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa M. Chirch ◽  
Khalid Ahmad ◽  
Warren Spinner ◽  
Victor E. Jimenez ◽  
Susan V. Donelan ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
Otitis Media ◽  
Frozen Section ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
University Hospital ◽  
Media Report ◽  
Tuberculous Otitis Media ◽  
High Degree

We report 2 cases of tuberculous otitis media that were diagnosed at Stony Brook University Hospital in New York since 1999. Both patients were women, aged 30 and 31 years. One patient had grown up in Russia, the other was a native-born American who had never left the East Coast region of the United States. Both patients had been symptomatic for many months; one complained of chronic otorrhea, and the other reported otorrhea, hearing loss, and discomfort. Neither patient responded to medical management, and both ultimately underwent surgery. One was diagnosed after surgical pathology revealed acid-fast bacilli on frozen-section analysis. In the other, pathology revealed chronic inflammation and granulomata, but stains were negative and her diagnosis was delayed for almost 2 years. We also review 9 other cases of tuberculous otitis media in the United States that have been reported in the literature since 1990. Our review suggests that the number of cases is rising in areas where tuberculosis is most common—that is, in major U.S. cities. Although 3 of these 9 cases occurred as reactivation disease in immigrants, most might have occurred as a result of local transmission. Clinicians should maintain a high degree of suspicion for tuberculosis in patients with chronic otitis symptoms, particularly those who are at higher risk of exposure to tuberculosis.

Spanish-speaking Anarchists in the United States

2019 ◽  
pp. 86-102
Author(s):  
Susana Sueiro Seoane
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
Latin American ◽  
York City ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Spanish Speaking ◽  
The World ◽  
Latin American Countries ◽  
Different Parts

This chapter analyzes Cultura Obrera (Labor Culture), published in New York City from 1911 to 1927. Pedro Esteve, the primary editor, gave expression to his ideas in this newspaper and while it represented Spanish firemen and marine workers, it reported on many other workers’ struggles in different parts of the world, for example, supporting and collecting funds for the Mexican revolutionary brothers Flores Magón. This newspaper, as all the anarchist press, was part of a transnational network and had a circulation not only in many parts of the United States but also in Latin American countries, including Argentina and Cuba, as well as on the other side of the Atlantic, in Spain and various European countries.

The Canadian Legal Profession

1986 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 447-532 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. W. Arthurs ◽  
R. Weisman ◽  
F. H. Zemans
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Legal Profession ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Limited Information ◽  
Canadian Experience ◽  
Institutional Structures ◽  
Legal Professions ◽  
Canadian Provinces ◽  
High Degree

This article seeks to weave together the limited information available on the legal professions of the Canadian provinces. Following the same general format as the other comparative studies in this series, it also offers several critical observations of special interest to readers in the United States, whose experience the Canadian bar so closely tracks. The phenomenon of stratification—familiar to American observers—is clearly visible in the Canadian legal profession. Combined with other centrifugal forces, it threatens the unity of a profession which, until recently, has managed to preserve a high degree of cohesion in training, ideology, and institutional structures. On the other hand, in certain respects, the Canadian experience seems to differ from that of the United States, especially in the strength and peculiar structure of publicly funded legal aid schemes, in the profession's continuing formal autonomy and relative immunity from public regulation, and in its long-lasting attachment to apprenticeship as a necessary stage in professional formation. These and other convergences and divergences between the two countries raise questions of general significance: To what extent do the similarities between Canada and the United States verify the assumption implicit in the theoretical literature (principally Abel, Freidson, and Larson) that there is an empirical referent for something called legal professionalism? And to what extent do the differences suggest that containing societies contribute distinctive characteristics to their legal professions, whose qualities are therefore highly contingent?

Fortune Telling and American Religious Freedom

2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 269-306
Author(s):  
Charles McCrary
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
Religious Freedom ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
State Statutes ◽  
State Agents ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Key Aspects ◽  
Fortune Telling

AbstractIn the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, a number of people who were arrested for pretending telling fortunes appealed their convictions on religious freedom grounds. These accused fortune tellers, mostly white spiritualist women, were arrested for violating state statutes across the United States, from New York to Georgia to Oklahoma to Washington. Though each defendant lost her case, their arguments showcase previously understudied early twentieth-century attempts by relatively disempowered actors to expand the scope of religious freedom. One law professor, named Blewett Lee, wrote a series of articles in the 1920s in which he considered these cases and their implications, identifying central problems and advancing prescient arguments about religious freedom.This article thinks with Lee and the accused fortune tellers to highlight two key aspects of secularism and American religious freedom. First, it uncovers the epistemological assumptions embedded into jurisprudence and legislation around “fortune telling.” Many of the statutes, which were based on English vagrancy laws, applied to “persons pretending to tell fortunes.” The term “pretending” raised questions about what the law presumed to be true and whether secular states could adjudicate religious veracity. Second, this article argues that secularism is regulatory and that scholars should connect religious freedom to histories of policing, licensure, and other forms of regulation. These two aspects, one primarily conceptual and the other practical and procedure, work together to delineate the parameters of American religious freedom, as secular state agents both define “religious belief” and regulate believers.

Valentin de Foronda’s Memoir on the United States of North America, 1804

1948 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 351-362 ◽  
Author(s):  
José de Onís
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
Public Library ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
New York Public Library ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Rich ◽  
The One

In the Rich Collection of the New York Public Library there is a manuscript, Apuntes ligeros sobre los Estados Unidos de la América Septentrional, in which a Spanish diplomat and author, Valentín de Foronda, gives his impressions about the United States of America.We cannot say with certainty what the history of this manuscript is, but from the few scattered facts which we have we can come to certain conclusions. At the time when it was written, in 1804, there must have been more than one copy. The perfection of the manuscript and the fact that ft is not in Foronda’s handwriting, tends to indicate that it was recopied several times. It is probable that there were at least three sets of copies. The original he must have kept for himself. One, in all likelihood was given to his immediate superior, who at that time was Casa Irujo. A third set might have been sent to the Spanish Minister of State. It is my belief that the manuscript that has come down to us is the one he gave to the Ambassador Casa Irujo. The reason on which I base this, is that twenty years later, long after Foronda and Casa Irujo had died, Mrs. Casa Irujo became a personal friend of Obadiah Rich, the bibliographer, and used to be a frequent guest at his house in Madrid. Rich obtained the manuscript about this time and it is very probable that he got it from her. Where the other hypothetical copies are would be difficult to say. The set sent to the Spanish Minister of State must be buried in some Spanish archive. The other one which he kept for himself was more than likely confiscated by the Spanish authorities, along with his other papers, and was probably destroyed during Foronda’s trial of 1814.

scholarly journals Baseball and society in the Caribbean

1994 ◽  
Vol 68 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 101-104
Author(s):  
Andrew Zimbalist
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
Dominican Republic ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
The North ◽  
The Caribbean

[First paragraph]The Tropic of Baseball: Baseball in the Dominican Republic. Rob Ruck. Westport CT: Meckler, 1991. x + 205 pp. (Cloth n.p.)Trading with the Enemy: A Yankee Travels Through Castro's Cuba. TomMiller. New York: Atheneum, 1992. x + 338 pp. (Cloth US$ 24.00)Read Bart Giamatti's Take Time for Paradise (1989) or any of the other grand old game sentimentalists and you'11 discover that baseball somehow perfectly reflects the temperament of U.S. culture. This match, in turn, accounts for basebali's enduring and penetrating popularity in the United States. Read Ruck and Miller and you'11 learn that baseball is more popular and culturally dominant in the Dominican Republic and Cuba than it is to the north. The suppressed syllogism affirms that U.S. and Caribbean cultures hold intimate similarities. If that is true, this Caribbeanist has been out to lunch; then again, no one ever accused economists of having acute cultural sensibilities.

Introduction: Diaspora, Performance, and National Affiliations in North America

2003 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 259-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
LOREN KRUGER
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
North America ◽  
Host Country ◽  
Home Country ◽  
South Asians ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Cantonese Opera ◽  
The One

Although current theories of diaspora argue for a break between an older irrevocable migration from one nation to another and a new transnational movement between host country and birthplace, research on nineteenth- as well as twentieth-century North America demonstrates that earlier migration also had a transnational dimension. The cultural consequences of this two-way traffic include syncretic performance forms, institutions, and audiences, whose legitimacy depended on engagement with but not total assimilation in local conventions and on the mobilization of touristic nostalgia in, say, Cantonese opera in California or Bavarian-American musicals in New York, to appeal to nativist and immigrant consumers. Today, syncretic theatre of diaspora is complicated on the one hand by a theatre of diasporic residence, in which immigrants dramatize inherited conflicts in the host country, such as Québécois separatism in Canada, along with problems of migrants, among them South Asians, and on the other by a theatre of non-residence, touring companies bringing theatre from the home country, say India, to ‘non-resident Indians’ and local audiences in the United States.

Poor Beard!!

Neurology ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 57 (3) ◽  
pp. 510.1-514 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher G. Goetz
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
Early Childhood ◽  
European Society ◽  
Private Practice ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
New Diagnosis ◽  
Jean Martin Charcot

Objective: To analyze the role of the seminal 19th-century neurologist, Jean-Martin Charcot, in the internationalization of neurasthenia, previously known as “the American disease.”Background: The New York neurologist, George Beard, first described neurasthenia in 1869 and considered it a disorder related to the particular stress of modern civilization, most typified in the United States.Methods: Charcot’s personal files on neurasthenia from the Bibliothèque Charcot, Salpêtrière Hospital, Paris, were studied and his teaching lessons and lectures were examined.Results: Charcot presented numerous cases of neurasthenia, always crediting Beard with the original name and description. Calling Beard’s 1880 work a “remarkable monograph,” Charcot emphasized that patients with neurasthenia also comprised the bulk of his own private practice. Focusing on the signs of sexual impotency, fatigue, and a tight band of pressure around the head, Charcot categorically distinguished patients with neurasthenica from patients with hysteria. Like Beard, Charcot concluded that the origin of neurasthenia was psychological stress and felt the European society also fostered the environment to precipitate the disease. Charcot adamantly opposed extrapolations that called for early childhood educational reforms to reduce current classroom stress. Charcot sympathized more with the treating physician than the patient, calling neurasthenics insufferable (insupportables). On the front sheet of his neurasthenia file, he wrote in large script, “Poor Beard!!”Conclusion: By emphasizing the prevalence of neurasthenia and extending Beard’s observations, Charcot internationally legitimized the new diagnosis. Adding neurasthenia to the other neurologic descriptions from the United States by Hammond, Mitchell, and Dana, Charcot helped to foster the recognition of the American Neurologic School.

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