Influence Operations: Conceptual Dimension

The article focuses on the meaning and features of influence operations. It is shown that this term does not have precise and widely accepted definition. The researchers tend to consider influence operations as general term for any activities of international actors in information environment, or as a modern form of information operations that exceed military campaigns. The analysis of researchers’ publications made it possible to highlight some features of influence operations. The core of influence operations is perception management. The success of such operations depends largely on understanding vulnerabilities and adaptation to the specifics of target audiences. One of key features of influence operations is synchronization and coordination of activities in information and physical environment. The idea is that communication activities should be reinforced by appropriateactions that also aim to affect perceptions, opinions, and behavior of target audiences and not to obtain advantages in physical environment. Influence operations are also characterized by the use of various combinations of “soft” and “hard”, legitimate and partly legitimate influence techniques. The scenarios of influence operations are long lasting and may take different formsthat involve the participation of state and non-state agents of influence. Influence operations cover all aspects of information operations and strategic communication, but they are used in more complicated and subtle way. So, it makes sense to regard influence operations as long-term and advanced form of information operations. The emergence of this term may mark the necessity torevise and updateexisting terminology in the field of information warfare,taking into account moderntrends in the development of international relations.

The Terror Raids: An analysis of the criminalisation of green activism in Aotearoa

<p>The objective of this thesis is to identify how criminalisation by mainstream media, police, politicians, ‘the public’ and court processes affected green activists, with specific reference to the Terror Raids of October 2007. Drawing on media analysis - covering news articles from 15 October 2007 to 15 November 2007, and 1 January 2017 to 31 July 2018 - and semi-structured interviews with eight participants (all green activists, two of whom were arrested in the Terror Raids), this research explores the issues of colonisation, activism, criminalisation, and resistance to criminalisation in detail. The research concludes that state agents and mainstream media contributed to a ‘blanket criminalisation’ of activists in the Terror Raids and that this criminalisation had significantly detrimental effects on the activists, whānau , and wider groups. This intense criminalisation was produced as a result of activists being labelled as ‘terrorists’. As a result, the Raids represented an evolution in the criminalisation of green activists in Aotearoa - from inconsistent forms of criminalisation (in which previous criminalising narratives had been joined by narratives relating to democratic freedom and environmental justice) to the application of intense criminalisation by the state and mainstream media of all activists in the Raids. This research demonstrates, therefore, the power of labelling. However, this thesis also identifies the power of green activism and the resilience of campaigners to this intense criminalisation. It emphasises that resistance can survive even when confronted by intense criminalisation and state violence. It concludes by emphasising the significant contributions green activists make to the environmental well-being of Aotearoa and to the international environmental justice movement.</p>

The Terror Raids: An analysis of the criminalisation of green activism in Aotearoa

<p>The objective of this thesis is to identify how criminalisation by mainstream media, police, politicians, ‘the public’ and court processes affected green activists, with specific reference to the Terror Raids of October 2007. Drawing on media analysis - covering news articles from 15 October 2007 to 15 November 2007, and 1 January 2017 to 31 July 2018 - and semi-structured interviews with eight participants (all green activists, two of whom were arrested in the Terror Raids), this research explores the issues of colonisation, activism, criminalisation, and resistance to criminalisation in detail. The research concludes that state agents and mainstream media contributed to a ‘blanket criminalisation’ of activists in the Terror Raids and that this criminalisation had significantly detrimental effects on the activists, whānau , and wider groups. This intense criminalisation was produced as a result of activists being labelled as ‘terrorists’. As a result, the Raids represented an evolution in the criminalisation of green activists in Aotearoa - from inconsistent forms of criminalisation (in which previous criminalising narratives had been joined by narratives relating to democratic freedom and environmental justice) to the application of intense criminalisation by the state and mainstream media of all activists in the Raids. This research demonstrates, therefore, the power of labelling. However, this thesis also identifies the power of green activism and the resilience of campaigners to this intense criminalisation. It emphasises that resistance can survive even when confronted by intense criminalisation and state violence. It concludes by emphasising the significant contributions green activists make to the environmental well-being of Aotearoa and to the international environmental justice movement.</p>

Vietnam in international institutions

<p>This thesis investigates how socialization in three selected institutions, namely the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) and the UN Security Council (UNSC) has led to pro-norm behaviour on the part of Vietnamese officials. This behavioural change was evidenced by their support for the creation of an ASEAN Human Rights Body, the adoption of Preventive Diplomacy Papers in the ARF and internalization of the Responsibility to Protect as an emerging norm at the Security Council. Empirical findings in the thesis show that socialization occurred across three case-studies, eliciting pro-norm behaviour on the part of state officials, though to varying degrees. These findings confirm the plausibility of socialization as a source of cooperative behaviour among state agents within social environments. In addition, they provide insights into the slow but increasingly active and substantive cooperation in political and security areas where Vietnam has historically been reluctant. The thesis concludes with a suggestion that socialization could be an extremely useful framework for investigating how far Vietnam might go beyond verbal support for new norms, given the country has recently embarked on a new phase of integration. Vietnam now attaches great importance to the implementation of international commitments that it has made, and considers this a guiding principle for the country‘s new integration strategy. Socialization processes could yield insights about the likely extent of norm internalization and compliance in this new period.</p>

Vietnam in international institutions

<p>This thesis investigates how socialization in three selected institutions, namely the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) and the UN Security Council (UNSC) has led to pro-norm behaviour on the part of Vietnamese officials. This behavioural change was evidenced by their support for the creation of an ASEAN Human Rights Body, the adoption of Preventive Diplomacy Papers in the ARF and internalization of the Responsibility to Protect as an emerging norm at the Security Council. Empirical findings in the thesis show that socialization occurred across three case-studies, eliciting pro-norm behaviour on the part of state officials, though to varying degrees. These findings confirm the plausibility of socialization as a source of cooperative behaviour among state agents within social environments. In addition, they provide insights into the slow but increasingly active and substantive cooperation in political and security areas where Vietnam has historically been reluctant. The thesis concludes with a suggestion that socialization could be an extremely useful framework for investigating how far Vietnam might go beyond verbal support for new norms, given the country has recently embarked on a new phase of integration. Vietnam now attaches great importance to the implementation of international commitments that it has made, and considers this a guiding principle for the country‘s new integration strategy. Socialization processes could yield insights about the likely extent of norm internalization and compliance in this new period.</p>

The Paradigm Shift in the Disciplining of Village Cadres in China: From Mao to Xi

Village cadres are important agents for the state yet disciplining them has been difficult. There are few disciplinary tools that can easily hold them to account. Prior to 2018, Party discipline did not apply to non-Party cadres. Legislation was ambiguous in relation to these grassroots agents and had to rely heavily on legal interpretation. The impact of the cadre evaluation system on village cadres, who are not considered to be public servants on the state payroll, was limited. This situation has changed since 2018. The party-state has consolidated and institutionalized ways in which grassroots cadres are checked and disciplined. Instead of relying on policy regulation, which had been the dominant disciplinary method since 1949, village cadres are now fully subject to Party rules and state laws. These changes have been accomplished through the application of three measures. First, village Party secretaries are to serve concurrently as village heads, and members of village and Party committees are to overlap, thereby making them subject to Party discipline. Second, village cadres are now considered to be “public agents” and are on an equal legal footing with other state agents. Finally, a campaign waged by the criminal justice apparatus cleaned up village administration and prepared it for upcoming village elections in a new era.

Exposure to Discretionary Arrests Increases Support for Anti-Police Protests

The legitimacy of the state rests on individuals' perceptions of fairness when interacting with state institutions and state agents. The police as an institution and as individual agents have wide latitude to detain and use force against individuals. We argue that encounters with state bureaucracy and civil servants, specifically the police, can generate individual-level grievances against the state, and that these grievances make it more likely an individual participates in protest against the state. We study support for and the legitimacy of policing in the context of the anti-police protests in Baltimore, MD following the death of Freddie Gray in April, 2015. Using data from police records and social media, we show that individuals with higher exposure to discretionary arrests --- arrests that are potentially viewed as illegitimate or arbitrary --- are more likely to support protests against the police. In contrast, we demonstrate that exposure to arrests for major crimes such as murder does not follow the same pattern. Thus, support for the police as an institution varies systematically with exposure to arbitrary and capricious encounters with police agents. As these grievance generating encounters become more widespread, we expect to see increased protests against the police and further erosion in support of the police as an institution. Alternatively, shifting institutional resources to focus on major crimes and limiting the discretionary authority of police agents when interacting with the public may help to repair the legitimacy of policing institutions over the long term.

Justice as Checks and Balances

ABSTRACT The centralization of conflict resolution and the administration of justice, two crucial elements of state formation, are often ignored by the state-building literature. This article studies the monopolization of justice administration, using the historical example of the General Indian Court (gic) of colonial Mexico. The author argues that this court’s development and decision-making process can show us how the rule of law develops in highly authoritarian contexts. Centralized courts could be used strategically to solve an agency problem, limiting local elites’ power and monitoring state agents. To curb these actors’ power, the Spanish Crown allowed the indigenous population to raise claims and access property rights. But this access remained limited and subject to the Crown’s strategic considerations. The author’s theory predicts that a favorable ruling for the indigenous population was more likely in cases that threatened to increase local elites’ power. This article shows the conditions under which the rule of law can emerge in a context where a powerful ruler is interested in imposing limits on local powers—and on their potential predation of the general population. It also highlights the endogenous factors behind the creation of colonial institutions and the importance of judicial systems in colonial governance.

Public Reactions to Noncompliance with Judicial Orders

Constitutions empower people to ask judges for binding orders directing state agents to remedy rights violations, but state agents do not always comply. Scholars propose that by making it easier to observe noncompliance, courts can leverage public pressure for compliance when it exists. Yet, exposure to information about noncompliance might lead individuals to accept high levels of noncompliance and reduce support for judicial remedies. We estimate the rate of noncompliance with judges’ orders via a rigorous tracking study of the Colombian tutela. We then embed this rate in three survey experiments fielded with online national quota samples. We show that people find the noncompliance rate in the tutela highly unacceptable regardless of a variety of mitigating factors. We also show that public reactions to this information depend on prior expectations, a finding that stresses the importance of scholarship in cognitive psychology for studies of compliance in law and politics.

Institutional Design, Prosecutorial Independence, and Accountability: Lessons from the International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG)

In 2007 the International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala began working to support the work of the Public Prosecutor’s Office to investigate and prosecute cases of corruption. In this short article, I address three questions: What was the design of CICIG? What were its results? How did the institutional design contribute to the impact it had in Guatemala? To answer these questions, I first discuss the problem of impunity and provide an interdisciplinary review of the factors that impact when a state punishes crime. In the following section, I briefly explain the institutionalist framework that guides my analysis of the work of CICIG and explain the theoretical importance of institutional design in the functioning of prosecutorial organs. In the third section I describe the institutional design of CICIG, its impact, and its limitations. In this section I explain how key characteristics in its design made this international commission a creative solution against impunity in a context where prosecuting state agents for human rights violations or corruption was virtually impossible. I conclude this article highlighting some key lessons from CICIG on matters of institutional design.