Crossing the left-right party divide? Understanding the electoral success of the Czech Pirate Party in the 2017 parliamentary elections

Politics ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 510-526 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pavel Maškarinec
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Parliamentary Election ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Spatial Perspective ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The Right ◽  
Leftist Parties ◽  
Spatial Support

In the 2017 Czech parliamentary election, the Czech Pirate Party (Pirates) gained 10.79% of the votes – an unprecedented success, compared to most of the pirate parties across Europe. However, as their electoral gain varies widely across the Czech Republic’s territory, this article analyses all (more than 6000) Czech municipalities in the elections of 2010, 2013, and 2017 to explain this variation. Overall, the success of the Pirates was driven especially by obtaining much more support in larger municipalities with younger populations (although not only those aged 18–24 but also older ones), lower unemployment, higher turnout, and lower support for leftist parties. Thus, from a spatial perspective, the patterns of Pirate voting largely resembled long-term spatial support for Czech rightist parties and we can conclude that the Pirates made considerable inroads to regions which had historically been strongholds of the Civic Democratic Party, as the former main party of the right, but also strongholds of minor right-wing (‘liberal centre’) parties of the 1990s and early 2000s. Success of the Pirates thus was based especially on votes from municipalities located in more developed areas, where the Pirates received many more votes than in structurally disadvantaged regions.

From a Five to a Six-Party System? Prospects of the Right-wing Extremist NPD

2009 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 92-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Decker ◽  
Lazaros Miliopoulos
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Nazi Ideology ◽  
Nazi Past ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right

Right-wing extremist and populist parties operate in a rather difficult social and political environment in Germany, rendering notable electoral success fairly improbable, especially when compared to other European countries. The main reason for this is the continuing legacy of the Nazi past. Nevertheless the neo-Nazi National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD) managed to gain substantial votes in recent Land elections and became the leading force in the right-wing extremist political camp. Its success is attributable to rightwing extremist attitudes in some parts of the electorate in connection with a widespread feeling of political discontent. Nevertheless, it is questionable whether the NPD will be able to transform these attitudes into a viable ideological basis for two main reasons. On the one hand, maintaining a neo-Nazi ideology makes the NPD unattractive to many potential voters. On the other hand, given its internal power struggles and severe financial problems, the party may be unable to meet its challenges in organizational terms.

The Changing SPD in the Schröder Era

2003 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-93 ◽  
Author(s):  
Uwe Jun
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Parliamentary Election ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of ◽  
Entire History

Public opinion data gathered from the latest surveys on Germany's upcoming parliamentary elections have turned out to be disheartening for the Social Democratic Party (SPD). Without exception, the Social Democrats take second place and lag behind the Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU) by several percentage points (Fig. 1). Today, only a few months before the next parliamentary election, a repetition of the electoral victory to the extent of 1998 seems to be rather unlikely. We are therefore faced with the perplexing question of how the SPD could arrive at such a disadvantageous position given the historic electoral success of 1998, when the party achieved its second-best result at parliamentary elections since Word War II. Is the SPD powerless against a strong tendency of the German electorate to cast its ballot in favor of the CDU/CSU, which has pervaded almost the entire history of the Federal Republic of Germany and has been described as “a permanent discrimination of the SPD against the CDU/CSU in the competition of parties.” Or is this situation just a snapshot without deeper consequences for the party?

Inconclusive Slovenian elections will mean instability

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Significant Shift ◽  
Legal Action ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Border Dispute ◽  
The Right

Subject Aftermath of June 3 elections. Significance The right-wing Slovenian Democratic Party (SDS) has won the parliamentary elections, eclipsing its nearest rival, the List of Marjan Sarec (LMS). However, with just 25 seats in Slovenia’s 90-member parliament, the SDS falls far short of a majority. If it cannot form a government, an LMS-led coalition is possible. Impacts An SDS-led rejectionist government would create uncertainty for investors who must be prepared for a significant shift in economic policy. It would probably ramp up the border dispute with Croatia, starting with legal action on Zagreb’s non-compliance with an arbitration ruling. The emergence of yet another Eurosceptic government in a rebellious corner of Europe bodes ill for EU cohesion. An SDS-led government would further rearrange party politics, involving the probable collapse of the inchoate and unstructured LMS.

POLISH PARLIAMENTARY POLL ‒ 2015; 2019: POSSIBLE EXPLANATIONS OF THE SUCCESS OF AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM OF LAW AND JUSTICE (PIS)

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 81-108
Author(s):  
T.E. MIRZADZHANOV ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Point Of View ◽  
Deep Foundations ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Authoritarian Populism ◽  
Law And Justice ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Right ◽  
Populist Party

The purpose of the article is to consider the victory of the right-wing populist party Law and Justice (PiS) (Prawo i Sprawiedliwosc) in the parliamentary elections of 2015 and 2019. There were analyzed the course, specifics and result of these elections. The possible reasons for the growth of popularity and, consequently, the electoral success of PiS and the fall in support of its main competitor Civic Platform (PO) (Platforma Obywatelska) are given. Then to study a number of possible reasons, explanations that allowed the PiS to come to authoritarian populism, and voters consciously consider the authoritarian-populist party as the ruling one. These are explanations from the point of view of internal party organization, political economy, political sociology, history (the track of dependence), the concept of authoritarian clientism, neo-authoritarianism or authoritarian populism. In the key of this concept, general considerations about the magnitude of the conceptual stretch of labeling PiS as a classic example of right-wing European populism are described, alternative views on the ideological essence of PiS are given. The conclusion also identifies and analyzes the most striking features of the political line of the PiS, the deep foundations and underlying reasons for its orientation and legitimacy, and the main psychosocial and image strategies that generally form a positive image of the PiS in the eyes of its voters.

The 1992 Referendum in South Africa

1993 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
Annette Strauss
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
The State ◽  
Reform Process ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
National Party ◽  
White Voters ◽  
The Right

The ruling National Party (N.P.) asked white voters during the 1989 election campaign for a mandate to negotiate with all concerned about a new constitution, an undivided South Africa, one citizenship, equal votes, protection of minorities, and the removal of stumbling blocks such as discrimination against people of colour.1 Although the N.P. achieved a cleat majority – 93 seats against 39 for the Conservative Party (C.P.) and 33 for the Democratic Party (D.P.) – the right-wing opposition made destinct progress by gaining 17 seats. After the C.P had captured a further three from the N.P. in by-elections, including Potchefstroom in February 1992, President F. W. de Klerk announced in Parliament that whites would be asked the following month to vote in a referendum in order to remove any doubts about his mandate. The carefully worded question which the electorate had to answer was as follows: Do you support continuation of the reform process which the State President began on February 2, 1990 and which is aimed at a new constitution through negotiation?

Movers and Stayers

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irwin L. Morris
Keyword(s):  
Progressive Era ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Southern Politics ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Migratory Patterns ◽  
New Perspective ◽  
The Right ◽  
Democratic Support

Democrats once dominated the “Solid South.” By the turn of the 21st century, Republicans had taken control. We are in the midst of the dawning of new, more progressive era. Theories explaining Republican growth provide little guidance, but a new perspective—Movers and Stayers theory—explains this recent growth in Democratic support and the ways in which population growth has produced it. Migratory patterns play a significant role in southern politics. Young, well-educated in-migrants fostered Republican growth in the last century. Today, these increasingly progressive young, well-educated movers are growing the Democratic Party. Movers bring their politics to their new communities. Their progressivism fosters the same among long-term residents (stayers) in their new communities. But the declining communities they left show the effects of their exit. In our racialized partisan environment, white stayers respond to the threat of declining communities by shifting to the right and identifying with the Republican Party. Conversely, African Americans respond to community threat by maintaining their progressivism. Few Latinos live in declining communities; Latino stayers in fast growing communities become more Democratic. While movers of retirement age are more conservative than younger movers, they are more liberal than those who retire in place—not quite the demographic windfall Republicans in aging areas have hoped for. These dynamics are altering the southern political landscape, and differences between growing areas and declining areas are accelerating. Absent a wholesale reinvention of southern politics along the lines of class or (possibly) age, the current partisan trajectory does not bode well for Republicans. The COVID-19 pandemic will not change that.

The BJP and an Ideological Consolidation of the Right?

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pradeep K. Chhibber ◽  
Rahul Verma
Keyword(s):  
Right Wing ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Economic Changes ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
The Social ◽  
Bharatiya Janata Party ◽  
The Right ◽  
Potential Challenge

To the surprise of many, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) singlehandedly won a majority in the national elections of 2014. Since then the party which, once had two seats in parliament, has come to govern 21 states in India. How did the BJP become so successful? The BJP is now the principal carrier of conservatism in India. This was not the case at independence. The ideological roots of the BJP lie in the idea of Hindu majoritarianism. Over the years the BJP succeeded in accommodating conservative elements not only from the Congress but also from other right-wing parties. Its electoral success has been aided by the social and economic changes in India since the 1990s. These changes, however, have also generated contradictions within the ideological coalitions that brought about the rise of the BJP and pose a potential challenge to the party as it moves to consolidate its position.

Von der „nationalen Nebenwahl“ zur „europäisierten Wahl“? Die Wahl zum Europäischen Parlament vom 26. Mai 2019

2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 691-714 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oskar Niedermayer
Keyword(s):  
European Commission ◽  
National Election ◽  
Electoral Behavior ◽  
Explanatory Model ◽  
European Council ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
European Elections ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
European Election ◽  
The Right

It is questionable if the concept of the European election as a second-order national election is still a useful explanatory model or if the European election has become a relevant “Europeanized” election . Therefore, six hypotheses about the orientations as well as the turnout and the electoral behavior of the electorate at European elections in comparison to national parliamentary elections are developed and empirically tested by analyzing the campaign and results of the European election 2019 in Germany . Four of the six hypotheses can be confirmed . Nevertheless, in view of the changes of many indicators one can speak of a “Europeanization” of the European election . Additionally, the composition of the parliament in comparison to the situation after the 2014 elections is discussed, concentrating on the rise of the right-wing parties . Finally, the article deals with the conflict between the European Parliament and the European Council concerning the election of the successor of Jean-Claude Juncker as President of the European Commission . [ZParl, vol . 50 (2019), no . 4, pp . 691 - 714]

Canadian election could produce fragile government

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Canadian History ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Voting System ◽  
The Right ◽  
New Democratic Party

Significance The three main parties -- the leftist New Democratic Party (NDP), the centrist Liberals, and the right-wing Conservatives -- are nearly tied in national voter intention polls. While the effects of Canada's first-past-the-post voting system appear to give the Conservatives and the NDP better chances at winning a plurality of seats in parliament, all three parties have a chance at victory, an unprecedented situation in Canadian history. Impacts The death of refugee Alan Kurdi has resulted in all three parties promising to expand Canada's acceptance of refugees from Iraq and Syria. The longer campaign could result in a doubling of the election's cost to the taxpayer. Both the NDP and the Liberals have promised that this will be the final election using the first-past-the-post system.

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