South Africa: from apartheid to xenophobia

Race & Class ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-22
Author(s):  
Pervaiz Khan

How to explain the violent xenophobic attacks in South Africa in recent years? Two militant South African activists, Leonard Gentle and Noor Nieftagodien, interviewed here, analyse the race/class bases for the anti-foreigner violence in terms of the echoes/reverberations of apartheid and the rise of neoliberalism. They argue that remnants of apartheid have endured through the reproduction of racial and tribal categories, which has contributed to the entrenchment of exclusionary nationalist politics and the fragmentation of black unity. South Africa’s specific history of capitalist development, the African National Congress’s embraces of neoliberalism, on the one hand, and rainbowism, on the other, have produced the underlying conditions of precarity and desperation that resulted in the normalisation of xenophobia. The unions, too, have failed to recognise the new shape of the ‘working class’. Gentle and Nieftagodien outline the need to contend with the broader social conditions, the global economic crisis, neoliberalism and the deep inequalities it engenders in order to counteract the rising tide of xenophobia and build working-class unity.

Author(s):  
P. Mozias

South African rand depreciated in 2013–2014 under the influence of a number of factors. Internationally, its weakness was associated with the capital outflow from all emerging markets as a result of QE’s tapering in the US. Domestically, rand plummeted because of the deterioration of the macroeconomic stance of South Africa itself: economic growth stalled and current account deficit widened again. Consumer spending was restrained with the high household indebtedness, investment climate worsened with the wave of bloody strikes, and net export was still prone to J-curve effect despite the degree of the devaluation happened. But, in its turn, those problems are a mere reflection of the deep institutional misbalances inherent to the very model of the national economy. Saving rate is too low in South Africa. This leads not only to an insufficient investment, but also to trade deficits and overdependence on speculative capital inflows. Extremely high unemployment means that the country’s economic potential is substantially underutilized. Joblessness is generated, first and foremost, by the dualistic structure of the national entrepreneurship. Basic wages are being formed by way of a bargaining between big public and semi state companies, on the one hand, and trade unions associated with the ruling party, on the other. Such a system is biased towards protection of vested interests of those who earn money in capital-intensive industries. At the same time, these rates of wages are prohibitively high for a small business; so far private companies tend to avoid job creation. A new impulse to economic development is likely to emerge only through the government’s efforts to mitigate disproportions and to pursue an active industrial policy. National Development Plan adopted in 2012 is a practical step in that direction. But the growth of public investment is constrained by a necessity of fiscal austerity; as a result, the budget deficit remained too large in recent years. South African Reserve Bank will have to choose between a stimulation of economic growth with low interest rates, on the one hand, and a support of rand by tightening of monetary policy, on the other. This dilemma will greatly influence prices of securities and yields at South African financial markets.


2012 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Hudis

AbstractThe global economic-financial downturn has given new impetus to a re-examination of Rosa Luxemburg’s writings on capitalist accumulation and economic crisis, which pinpointed the central contradiction of capitalism in its drive for global expansion. In this article I critically engage Luxemburg’s theory of capital accumulation and crisis by evaluating it in comparison with the central categories of Volumes One and Two of Marx’sCapitalon the one hand, and the quest for an alternative to capitalism in the twenty-first century on the other. I argue that Marx’s procedure in Volume Two ofCapital, in which he abstracts from realization crises and foreign trade in order to discern the “law of motion” of capital freed from secondary and tertiary considerations, captures the internal dynamic of capitalist development and crises far better than its Keynesian and neo-Keynesian alternatives.


Literator ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Miki Flockemann

The publication of Diaspora and Identity in South African Fiction (2016) by J.U. Jacobs is a timely intervention, in that it is the first comprehensive study of South African fiction to sustain the argument that South African writing is always already diasporic. Although Jacobs’ diasporic framework undoubtedly serves as an important addition to the recent trends identified by literary scholars, his focus on 12 well-established writers (including Coetzee, Wicomb, Mda, Gordimer and Ndebele), highlights some of the gaps that need to be filled in a study of this kind. For instance, what about the younger generation of writers, including those from elsewhere in Africa who are writing about living in South Africa? How do they deal with what has been termed the new diaspora, with debates around Afropolitanism and the experiences of internal, inter-continental and trans-continental migrancy in an increasingly globalising world? Despite these shortcomings, Jacobs’ premise about the inevitably diasporic identifications that are narrativised in the 20 novels analysed here can provide a useful foundation for further scholarship on how the diasporic condition informs and is mediated in other texts. These, as I will show, range from works by a new generation of emerging writers on the one hand to the performing arts on the other hand.


2019 ◽  
Vol 95 ◽  
pp. 34-48
Author(s):  
Melanie Samson

AbstractThis article presents a nuanced social history of how reclaimers at the Marie Louise landfill in Soweto, South Africa, organized against each other on the basis of nationality instead of uniting to combat the effects of the 2008 global economic crisis. Through this narrative of struggles at one particular dump, the article contributes to debates on informal worker organizing by theorizing the importance of the production of identities, power relations, space, and institutions in understanding how and why informal workers create and maintain power-laden divisions between themselves. The article argues that organizing efforts that seek to overcome divisions between informal workers cannot simply exhort them to unite based on abstract principles, but must actively transform the places and institutions forged by these workers through which they create and crystallize divisive identities and power relations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Terrence R Carney

Difficult text formulations, on the one hand, as well as poor linguistic skills and comprehension on the other, can severely hamper the communication effort of basic human rights during the judicial process. The rights entrenched in s 35 of the Constitution of South Africa (Act 108 of 1996), as they apply to individuals who are arrested, detained and accused, and read out by a member of the local South African Police Service (SAPS), are written in a legal register that can be too difficult for additional language speakers to understand. This begs the question of whether arrested, detained and accused individuals are fully aware of their rights and whether they can exercise these rights if they do not understand the language that expresses them. This article appraises the potential comprehensibility of the notice of rights (SAPS 14A), as provided to arrested, detained and accused individuals by the SAPS. The researcher’s assessments indicate that the text is pitched at an English readability level suited to university graduates and could be too difficult for South Africans with limited schooling and linguistic abilities to comprehend. A revision of SAPS 14A is offered as an illustration of a possible improvement to increase readability and, subsequently, better access to the mentioned rights.


Author(s):  
Tamryn Gorman

Despite South Africa’s post-modern constitutional dispensation which, at first glance, seems to celebrate and entrench substantive equality — various judgements have been passed by the Constitutional Court where the Constitution was interpreted through a formal equalitarian lens. On the one hand, substantive equality recognises and celebrates our diversity and differences whereas formal equality, on the other hand, obsesses with the idea of sameness. This constant tension between substantive and formal equality is aptly portrayed by the term ‘rainbow jurisprudence’. This term was coined by Alfred Cockrell to explain a quasi-theory depicted by the newly born South African constitutional adjudication which was lacking in substantive reasoning (which I equate to substantive equality) and the absence of a rigorous jurisprudence. He goes so far as to assimilate the finding of genuine substantive reasoning within these judgements to the possibility of touching a rainbow — a mythical task which, although alluring, seems impossible. Thus, I have identified the problem that South Africa is still submerged in rainbow jurisprudence. This can be seen through various court cases that will be discussed below, ranging from cases that were clearly decided from a formal equalitarian perspective to those which depict a wolf in sheep’s clothing seemingly substantive judgements disguising the formal equality lurking beneath.


Author(s):  
Phillip Broster

Despite its title, this book does not look exclusively at the massacre that occurred at Marikana on 16 August 2012, when South African police officers shot and killed 34 striking mineworkers and wounded 78 others. Rather, it places that event in the context of a longer, larger struggle for dignity and economic freedom by the working class in South Africa. The authors did not do this to trivialise this significant event but to implore the reader to recognise that it was one moment, one particular incident in a long history of struggle and conflict, one that is not necessarily more important than another. As such, it pursues what George Lipsitz has called the ‘long fetch’, looking into the past and identifying the forces that slowly shaped what may otherwise appear to have been sudden and inexplicable.1 The book does this by attempting to describe the tensions between the various ‘ordinary’ individuals – the striking employees of Lonmin’s platinum mine at Marikana – and their relationships to the labour collectives they started, helped lead, or held to account. It attempts to show how understanding these tensions is crucial to understanding the events that occurred at Marikana, and understanding South Africa as an economic project.


2016 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriel Winant ◽  
Andrew Gordon ◽  
Sven Beckert ◽  
Rudi Batzell

AbstractThis article introduces the present Special Theme on the global reception and appropriation of E.P. Thompson’sThe Making of the English Working Class(1963). It aims to interrogate Thompson’s legacy and potential vitality at a moment of renewed social and intellectual upheavals. It emphasizes the need for an interdisciplinary and global reflection on Thompson’s work and impact for understanding how class, nation, and “the people” as subjects of historical inquiry have been repeatedly recast since the 1960s. Examining the course of Thompson’s ideas in Japan and West Germany, South Africa and Argentina, as well as Czechoslovakia and Poland, each of the following five articles in the Special Theme is situated in specific and different locations in the global historiographical matrix. Read as a whole, they show how national historiographies have been products of local processes of state and class formation on the one hand, and transnational transfers of intellectual and historiographical ideas, on the other. They highlight the remarkable ability of Thompsonian social history to inspire new lives in varying national contexts shaped by different formations of race, class, and state.


2013 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 627-651 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marian Burchardt

ABSTRACTIn this article, I trace the emergence of Pentecostal FBOs in the South African city of Cape Town. By focusing on their involvements in HIV/AIDS programmes, including practices such as health education, counselling and material support, I analyse the organisational dynamics and consequences ensuing from their activities. Pentecostal involvements in development work engender complex connections between two distinct processes: On the one hand, they offer Pentecostal communities new social spaces for promoting their faith and moral agendas. On the other hand, development work urges Pentecostal communities to recast their activities in the logic of formal organisation and accountability (proposals–grants–projects). On the ground, these logics are constantly subverted as beneficiaries construe FBOs aspatronsand deploy Pentecostal identities for mediating access to FBOs and the resources they command. My argument is that Pentecostal faith works to mediate the entire set of social relationships, expectations, imageries and practices that structure FBO work on the ground. More than belief and ritual, it isPentecostal belongingthat links organisations, people, opportunities and resources.


2000 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tinyiko Sam Maluleke

AbstractIn this article, given as a keynote address at the Tenth International Congress of IAMS in Hammaskraal, South Africa, South African theologian Tinyiko Maluleke attempts to paint a rough picture of popular African Christology in the light of the Conference theme: "Reflecting Jesus Christ: Crucified and Living in a Broken World." He first notes that grass-root African Christianity harbors a dialectic of identification and non-identification with the suffering and experiences of Christ. On the one hand he is recognizable to Africans in his suffering and yet on the other hand it is recognized that he is like no one. Secondly, Maluleke reflects upon the challenge of reconciliation in Africa and in the light of the crucified and broken body of Christ. He explores the notions of forgiveness and truth and their relation to power. Thirdly, he considers the need and scarcity of hope in Africa. Hopelessness is in a sense one of the greatest indicators of Africa's brokenness. Fourth, Maluleke notes and briefly explores some possible implications of the shift of Christian gravity and the place of Africa in it. Fifth, he notes some contradictions to the massive Christian presence on the continent. Our theological approaches, he says, must acknowledge and own up to the brokenness of the continent. Only thus can African Christians come to appreciate the reality and worth of Jesus' brokenness for themselves. Perhaps in this way African Christians may be able to reflect (on) something of both the death and the resurrection of Christ.


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