The Dynamics of Implicit Intergroup Biases of Victims and Ex-combatants in Post-conflict Scenarios

2020 ◽  
pp. 088626052098325
Author(s):  
Sandra Baez ◽  
Natalia Trujillo ◽  
Esteban Hurtado ◽  
Alejandra Ortiz-Ayala ◽  
Monica Rodríguez Calvache ◽  
...  

Strong group identities arise in intergroup conflict scenarios and perpetuate sectarian violence even in post-conflict scenarios. In particular, out-group negative implicit associations are predictors of decreased intergroup forgiveness, as well as increased distrust and aggression against the out-group. Thus, the presence of implicit intergroup (i.e., ex-combatants and victims) biases seems to be a relevant factor in post-conflict scenarios. Here, we aimed to explore whether negative biases toward the out-group are boosted by (a) previous exposure to conflict violence or (b) identification with an armed violent group. One hundred and twenty-eight participants, 65 ex-combatants from Colombian guerrillas and 63 victims of the armed conflict, were assessed with a modified version of the implicit association test (IAT). Our results revealed that the victim group showed a significant negative bias against ex-combatants. However, no bias toward the out-group (i.e., victims) or in-group favoritism was observed in the ex-combatant group. Similarly, we found that IAT scores were not associated with sociodemographical variables (i.e., sex, years of education, or type of dwelling), the levels of combat exposure, victimization armed-conflict-related experiences, or child abuse antecedents. Our results showed an unexpected lack of in-group bias in ex-combatants, potentially triggered by the effect of current demobilization and reintegration processes. Thus, negative associations with the out-group will persist in the framework of societal condemnation of the out-group. In contrast, these negative biases will tend to be abolished when entering in conflict with larger societal reintegration processes. The results reinforce the idea that reintegration may benefit from interventions at the societal level, including all actors of the conflict. In addition, our findings highlight the importance of implementing victim interventions aimed at reducing stigma and revengeful actions in spaces of collective disarmament.

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Oscar V. Bautista-Cespedes ◽  
Louise Willemen ◽  
Augusto Castro-Nunez ◽  
Thomas A. Groen

AbstractThe Amazon rainforest covers roughly 40% of Colombia’s territory and has important global ecological functions. For more than 50 years, an internal war in the country has shaped this region. Peace negotiations between the government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) initiated in 2012 resulted in a progressive de-escalation of violence and a complete ceasefire in 2016. This study explores the role of different deforestation drivers including armed conflict variables, in explaining deforestation for three periods between 2001 and 2015. Iterative regression analyses were carried out for two spatial extents: the entire Colombian Amazon and a subset area which was most affected by deforestation. The results show that conflict variables have positive relationships with deforestation; yet, they are not among the main variables explaining deforestation. Accessibility and biophysical variables explain more variation. Nevertheless, conflict variables show divergent influence on deforestation depending on the period and scale of analysis. Based on these results, we develop deforestation risk maps to inform the design of forest conservation efforts in the post-conflict period.


2019 ◽  
Vol 101 (912) ◽  
pp. 1067-1089
Author(s):  
Edoardo Borgomeo

AbstractThis note discusses the challenges of water service delivery before, during and after protracted armed conflict, focusing on barriers that may impede successful transition from emergency to development interventions. The barriers are grouped according to three major contributing factors (three “C”s): culture (organizational goals and procedures), cash (financing practices) and capacity (know-how). By way of examples, the note explores ways in which development agencies can overcome these barriers during the three phases of a protracted armed conflict, using examples of World Bank projects and experiences in the Middle East and Sub-Saharan Africa. Before the crisis, development agencies need to work to prevent armed conflict. In a situation of active armed conflict or when conflict escalates, development agencies need to remain engaged as much as possible, as this will speed up post-conflict recovery. When conflict subsides, development agencies need to balance the relative effort placed on providing urgently needed emergency relief and water supply and sanitation services with the effort placed on re-establishing sector oversight roles and capacity of local institutions to oversee and manage service delivery in the long term.


2019 ◽  
Vol 181 ◽  
pp. 568-704

Economics, trade and finance — Economic sanctions — Liberia — UN Security Council Resolutions 1343 (2001) and 1408 (2002) — Implementation of arms embargo under Dutch law — Whether sanctions regime violatedInternational criminal law — Difference between perpetrator and accomplice liability — Complicity in war crimes — Requirement that defendant promoted or facilitated the commission of war crimes — Conditional intent — Whether defendant consciously accepted the probability that war crimes would be committed in connection with his material support — Risk of doing business with a government engaged in international criminal activityInternational criminal law — Evidence — Admissibility and weight of witness statements — Factors relevant to assessing witness statements obtained in post-conflict environment — Coercion of witnesses — Whether inconsistencies in witness statements requiring acquittalInternational criminal law — Circumstances excusing unlawful conduct — National emergency — Whether violations of arms embargo and laws and customs of war justified by right to self-defence under international lawJurisdiction — Universal jurisdiction — War crimes — Prosecution of a Dutch national for offences committed abroad — Whether conduct of investigation by Dutch authorities making prosecution inadmissible — Whether amnesty scheme in Liberia barrier to prosecution — No violation of fair trial rightsWar and armed conflict — Existence of armed conflict — Whether armed conflict international or internal — Limited gap between norms applicable to international versus non-international armed conflict — Whether violations of laws and customs of war giving rise to individual criminal liability under Dutch law — The law of the Netherlands


2015 ◽  
Vol 22 (10) ◽  
pp. 994-1001 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christina C. Emeh ◽  
Amori Yee Mikami ◽  
Bethany A. Teachman

Objective: Children with ADHD overestimate their own social and behavioral competence when using explicit self-report measures, a phenomenon known as Positive Illusory Bias (PIB). This study examined whether children with ADHD show PIB when self-perceptions are measured implicitly, reflecting associations that are relatively difficult to consciously control. Method: Participants were 23 children (ages 6.8-9.8) with ADHD and 55 typically developing (TD) children. Children’s explicit self-perceptions of competence were measured via self-report on the Self-Perception Profile for Children; their implicit associations were assessed using an Implicit Association Test. Parent and teacher ratings formed an adult-reported composite indicator of children’s competence, to which children’s self-perceptions were compared. Results: Children with ADHD overestimated their competence as compared with adult-informant reports on both explicit and implicit measures, whereas TD children tended to be accurate. Conclusion: Inflated self-perceptions in children with ADHD may exist on an implicit level outside of conscious awareness.


SAGE Open ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 215824401989407 ◽  
Author(s):  
Silvia Ubillos-Landa ◽  
Alicia Puente-Martínez ◽  
Gina Arias-Rodríguez ◽  
Marcela Gracia-Leiva ◽  
José Luis González-Castro

The effects of armed conflict on women in post-conflict situations are an area of analysis for social disciplines. This study will analyze the situation in Colombia, currently involved in a peace restoration process. The aim is to verify the efficacy of a coping and emotion regulation program analyzing victimization as well as the coping strategies employed in response to these violent acts. The program focuses on 62 women contacted through the Ruta Pacífica de las Mujeres, a nongovernmental organization. The program had a positive effect on women, reporting lower levels of posttraumatic stress, more functional coping strategies, and less use of dysfunctional strategies. All emotional cognitive and social indicators improved. Women felt emotionally better, perceiving greater social support and more trust in institutions. Survivors had more self-confidence to achieve their goals and solve their problems. The implications in a context of peace reconstruction and search for social cohesion are discussed.


2017 ◽  
pp. 54-68
Author(s):  
Carlos Alberto Torres-Tovar ◽  
Marysol Rojas-Pabón

RESUMENColombia discute a 2016 Acuerdos de Paz con las insurgencias (FARC y ELN), que darían culminación a más de cinco décadas de conflicto social y armado, el cual inició con un país mayoritariamente rural y que hoy es urbano. Sin embargo, las negociaciones no contemplan la ciudad, desconociendo las dinámicas y conflictos presentes en esta. Esta situación nos remite a pensar cómo en un contexto de postconflicto, las ciudades resolverán los conflictos socio-espaciales y darán atención a las demandas que han marcado los procesos de resistencia urbana y territorial, así como se podrá garantizar la justicia espacial y la materialización del derecho a la ciudad. Este artículo plantea algunas de estas tensiones.Palabras Clave: ciudad, postconflicto, Colombia RESUMOColômbia discute em 2016 Acordos de Paz com as guerrilhas (FARC e ELN), que seriam resultado de mais de cinco décadas de conflito social e armado, que começou com um país predominantemente rural e que hoje é urbano. No entanto, as negociações não incluem a cidade, ignorando as dinâmicas e os conflitos ali presentes. Esta situação leva-nos a pensar como num contexto de pós-conflito cidades resolver os conflitos sócio-espaciais e dar atenção às demandas que marcaram os processos de resistência urbana e territorial e ser garantida a justiça espacial e a realização de direito à cidade. Este artigo discute algumas dessas tensões.Palavras-chave: cidade, pós-conflito, Colômbia ABSTRACTColombia discussed 2016 Peace Accords with insurgencies (FARC and ELN), which would culmination of more than five decades of social and armed conflict, which began with a predominantly rural country and today is urban. However, the negotiations do not include the city, ignoring the dynamics and conflicts present in this. This situation leads us to think how in a context of post-conflict cities solve the socio-spatial conflicts and give attention to the demands that have marked the processes of urban and territorial resistance and be guaranteed spatial justice and the realization of right to the city. This article discusses some of these tensions.Keywords: city, post-conflict, Colombia


2012 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 531-546 ◽  
Author(s):  
Siri Aas Rustad ◽  
Helga Malmin Binningsbø

While a number of publications show that natural resources are associated with internal armed conflict, surprisingly little research looks at how natural resources affect post-conflict peace. This article therefore investigates the relationship between natural resources and post-conflict peace by analyzing new data on natural resource conflicts. We argue that the effect of natural resources on peace depends on how a country’s natural resources can constitute a motive or opportunity for armed conflict. In particular, three mechanisms may link natural resources to conflict recurrence: disagreements over natural resource distribution may motivate rebellion; using natural resources as a funding source creates an opportunity for conflict; and natural resources may aggravate existing conflict, acting either as motivation or opportunity for rebellion, but through other mechanisms than distributional claims or funding. Our data code all internal armed conflicts between 1946 and 2006 according to the presence of these resource–conflict links. We claim such mechanisms increase the risk of conflict recurrence because access to natural resources is an especially valuable prize worth fighting for. We test our hypotheses using a piecewise exponential survival model and find that, bivariately, armed conflicts with any of these resource–conflict mechanisms are more likely to resume than non-resource conflicts. A multivariate analysis distinguishing between the three mechanisms reveals that this relationship is significant only for conflicts motivated by natural resource distribution issues. These findings are important for researchers and policymakers interested in overcoming the ‘curse’ associated with natural resources and suggest that the way forward lies in natural resource management policies carefully designed to address the specific resource–conflict links.


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