Can governance be ethical if it is not diverse?

2021 ◽  
pp. 089202062110579
Author(s):  
Vivienne Porritt ◽  
Fee Stagg
Keyword(s):  
Primary School ◽  
Ethical Leadership ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Other ◽  
Governing Boards ◽  
Governing Board ◽  
Black Lives Matter ◽  
The Status

Can governance be ethical if it is not diverse? Abstract There is growing acceptance that governing boards in English schools and academies should be diverse. Yet progress towards this strategic aim remains slow despite initiatives to address this. We ask whether boards represent their communities and whether they model diverse and ethical leadership as seen in the culture and values of a school or trust and through recruitment and we argue that governance cannot be ethical if it is not diverse. Our thinking about the question at the heart of this paper is influenced by ethical leadership as well as the Black Lives Matter movement. We draw on two diverse boards, one a maintained governing board for a primary school and the other a Multi-Academy Trust board, to support our opinion and thank them for sharing their challenges and successes. We suggest ways forward to deliberately disrupt the status quo and ensure governing boards represent the students in their communities.

On Presumption

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edna Ullmann-Margalit
Keyword(s):  
Status Quo ◽  
The Other ◽  
Specific Change ◽  
Ordinary Life ◽  
The Status ◽  
Difficult Situations

Some of the most difficult decisions in law and ordinary life are simplified by the use of some kind of presumption. Accused criminals are presumed to be innocent, and most of the time, legislative acts are presumed to be constitutional. And when people do not know what to do, they often adopt a presumption of some kind—for example, sticking with the status quo, or perhaps in favor of making a specific change. In countless domains, presumptions help people to extricate themselves from difficult situations. They can serve as a way of breaking an initial symmetrical situation by using a supposition not fully justified, yet not quite rash either—favoring one action over the other.

The Futurists. Experts in World Futures

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jenny Andersson
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Other ◽  
Futures Studies ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Status ◽  
The One ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Images Of The Future ◽  
The Way

Alvin Toffler’s writings encapsulated many of the tensions of futurism: the way that futurology and futures studies oscillated between forms of utopianism and technocracy with global ambitions, and between new forms of activism, on the one hand, and emerging forms of consultancy and paid advice on the other. Paradoxically, in their desire to create new images of the future capable of providing exits from the status quo of the Cold War world, futurists reinvented the technologies of prediction that they had initially rejected, and put them at the basis of a new activity of futures advice. Consultancy was central to the field of futures studies from its inception. For futurists, consultancy was a form of militancy—a potentially world altering expertise that could bypass politics and also escaped the boring halls of academia.

scholarly journals Provisional and Protective Remedies: The British Experience of the Brussels Convention

1999 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 302-339 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerry Maher ◽  
Barry J. Rodger
Keyword(s):  
Status Quo ◽  
The Other ◽  
Brussels Convention ◽  
Legal Systems ◽  
Degree Of Protection ◽  
The Status ◽  
British Experience

It is a well-known facet of litigation that the first step is often more important than any to follow. Virtually all legal systems bestow on litigants a variety of interim and provisional remedies. These remedies have a number of different functions and rationales but two in particular are thought to be fundamental.1 First, protective remedies provide a litigant with a degree of protection by ensuring that the status quo is preserved while the litigation is proceeding; second, these remedies secure the position of a litigant not only during the course of an action but also once it is over and he has judgment in his favour. This second function is usually achieved, in one way or another, by tying up and freezing the property of the other party to the action.2 However, protective remedies also serve other functions. Some remedies exist to promote the interest of a party in the advancement of his case (e.g. orders for disclosure of evidence), whereas others provide a litigant with part of the overall final remedy or judgment that he is seeking to gain from the action (e.g. interim payment or interim damages).

Critical International Relations Theories and the Study of Arab Uprisings: A Critique

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-150
Author(s):  
Ahmed M. Abozaid
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Critical Theory ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Other ◽  
Arab Uprisings ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
Western Perspective

This study articulates that most of the critical theorists are still strikingly neglecting the study of the Arab Uprising(s) adequately. After almost a decade of the eruption of the so-called Arab Uprisings, the study claims that the volume of scholarly engaging of dominate Western International Relations (IR) theories with such unprecedented events is still substantially unpretentious. Likewise, and most importantly, the study also indicates that most of these theories, including the critical theory of IR (both Frankfurt and Habermasian versions), have discussed, engaged, analysed, and interpreted the Arab Spring (a term usually perceived to be orientalist, troubling, totally inappropriate and passive phenomenon) indicate a strong and durable egoistic Western perspective that emphasis on the preservation of the status quo and ensure the interests of Western and neoliberal elites, and the robustness of counter-revolutionary regimes. On the other hand, the writings and scholarships that reflexively engaged and represent the authentic Arab views, interests, and prospects were clearly demonstrating a strong and durable scarce, if not entirely missing. Keywords: International Relations, Critical Theory, Postcolonial, Arab Uprising(s), Middle East, Revolutions.

scholarly journals A MÍDIA COMO INSTRUMENTO PARA A CONSTRUÇÃO DE CONSENSOS (THE MEDIA AS INSTRUMENT FOR THE CONSTRUCTION OF CONSENSUS) - Doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.5212/OlharProfr.v.11i2.253273

2009 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Índia Mara Aparecida Dalavia de Souza Holleben ◽  
Marlene Lucia Siebert Sapelli
Keyword(s):  
Status Quo ◽  
The Other ◽  
Media Education ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Agricultural Workers ◽  
Upper Class ◽  
Educative Process ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Media

A educação acontece em diferentes espaços. A mídia também é um desses espaços. Por isso, neste artigo, propusemo-nos a analisar algumas questões, que consideramos relevantes e que, em geral, ocultam a hegemonia de uma classe sobre a outra. No processo educativo que acontece por meio da mídia, há uma contribuição para fortalecer tal hegemonia. Isso comprova a não neutralidade da educação. A mídia tem se mostrado como partido ideológico da elite, e o poder que exerce neste espaço social pode ser definido como poder simbólico, atrelado intimamente ao poder econômico, político e, em alguns casos, até coercitivo. Para discutirmos a mídia como instrumento educativo, em favor da manutenção do status quo, optamos em fazê-lo apresentando como duas temáticas que são por ela tratadas: Gênero e o Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra.   Palavras-chave: Mídia. Educação. Consenso. Hegemonia. Gênero. Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra.   Education is settled in different places and the media is also one of these places. Therefore, in this article we propose to analyze some relevant questions that can usually hide the hegemony of a class on the other. In the educative process intermediated by the media, we can notice a contribution to empower this hegemony. This put in evidence the education no neutrality position. The media can be understood as an ideological political organization of the upper class and its power can be defined as a symbolic one, linked to the economic and politician forces and even acting, in some cases, as a coercion element. To discuss the media as an educative instrument, in favor of the of the status quo maintenance, we present two thematic that have been followed: Gender and Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (The Movement of the Agricultural Workers With No Land).   Keywords: Media. Education. Consensus. Hegemony. Gender. Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra.

Adorno, Theodor Wiesengrund (1903–69)

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vincent P. Pecora
Keyword(s):  
Status Quo ◽  
The Other ◽  
Aesthetic Theory ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
Crucial Element ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
Social Theorist ◽  
The Status ◽  
The One ◽  
Historical Necessity

Born Theodor Ludwig Wiesengrund to an Italian Catholic mother and an assimilated Jewish father, Adorno would take his mother’s vaguely aristocratic last name. Philosopher, aesthetician, social theorist, and musician, Adorno throughout his life remained committed to a decidedly secular and socialist European consciousness, even when dissecting German anti-Semitism in the 1940s. Yet his notion of utopian political transformation owed much to his early reading of Ernst Bloch’s insistence on a hunger for the transcendent that Bloch added to Marxian materialism. Adorno’s understanding of the work of art—a crucial element of his thinking, culminating in his Aesthetic Theory—was equally in tension over the historical necessity of its progressive secularization and rationalization. On the one hand, any "contamination of art with revelation" would uncritically embrace the mystical, fetish character of art. On the other hand, "the eradication of every trace of revelation from art" would reduce the artwork to a mere repetition of the status quo—that is, the lifeless routines of an administered society, including film and jazz, both of which Adorno denigrated.

Southeast Asia: ASEAN and Its Communist Neighbors

Worldview ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-17
Author(s):  
Gerald Franklin Hyman
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Status ◽  
Policy Objectives

Seven years after the fall of Saigori and three and a half after the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia/Kampuchea, Southeast Asia is an area in search of equilibrium. That search provides the key to understanding the relations between and among the various states in the region.Vietnam's foreign policy objectives have been fairly clear and in a sense straightforward, at least since 1979. It wants de jure recognition of the status quo; that is, of a unitary Vietnamese state (now widely granted) and of both the Heng Samrin government in Cambodia and the Kaysone government in Laos (far less widely granted). Vietnam says it is seeking a normalization of relations with ASEAN and China for itself and on behalf of the other two Indochinese governments.

8 Conclusion

2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sabahi Borzu
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Other ◽  
State Responsibility ◽  
Private Law ◽  
Public International Law ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Status ◽  
Dual Origin

This chapter discusses ten important findings included in this book. One finding is the dual origin of the modern rules on State responsibility and reparation in both private law notions and public international law, resulting in the objective of reparation of putting the aggrieved party in the ‘hypothetical position’, that would have existed if the unlawful act had not occurred. This objective is mirrored in the modern Chorz ów Factory formula. Restitution, which seeks to re-establish the status quo ante, may need to be accompanied by additional compensation to fully reach the hypothetical position. The amount of compensation, on the other hand, based on the recent jurisprudence, may vary depending on whether the acts complained of were lawful or unlawful. Other important points arising from this study concerning the principles of reparation and compensation are also highlighted in the chapter.

Political World

1990 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-153
Author(s):  
Brian Langille
Keyword(s):  
Ludwig Wittgenstein ◽  
Legal Theory ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political World ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Status ◽  
Critical Legal Theory ◽  
The One

It is not transparently obvious why legal theorists are increasingly attracted to the ideas and methods of Ludwig Wittgenstein. After all, Wittgenstein’s writings are notoriously difficult and he said almost nothing, and certainly nothing sustained, about law. And why would self-proclaimed legal theorists be attracted to someone who was quite explicitly hostile to “theory”, who viewed philosophy as a sort of therapy, and who said, famously, “philosophy leaves everything as it is”? But a still more interesting question is, why has Wittgenstein received such curious and conflicting treatment at the hands of the critical legal theorists? On the one hand critical legal theory celebrates Wittgenstein’s work as a key to the dismantling of traditional jurisprudence, but on the other hand critical scholars bemoan his alleged debilitating endorsement of the status quo. It is this last question upon which this essay is focussed.

A Delicate Balance: Religious Autonomy Rights and lgbti Rights in Australia

2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charlotte Baines
Keyword(s):  
Legal System ◽  
Religious Freedom ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Other ◽  
Faith Communities ◽  
Human Right ◽  
The Status ◽  
Research Gap ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right

This article addresses a research gap by analysing the way the Australian legal system is balancing the right to religious autonomy of organisations and the right of lgbti individuals not to be discriminated against, and considers what ought to be the case. I argue that the Australian legal system recognises the value of religious freedom on the one hand, and on the other hand, does not place a high priority on protecting it as an existing human right. My findings reveal that the Australian legal system is not always defining the religion and society relationship in ways that reflect the lived reality of religion in society. The issue is compounded by the wording of religious exemptions under anti-discrimination law which is contested within faith communities. As a consequence, religious freedom can be unfairly restricted. I conclude with recommendations to improve the status quo.

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