Կոմիտասը և «Հայկական ոճի» խնդիրը

Ներկայացվող աշխատանքն իր առջև նպատակ է դնում Կոմիտասին դիտարկել իր ապրած դարաշրջանի համատեքստում: Կոմիտասին ընկալելու համար որպես բանալի բառ է ընտրված «հայկական ոճ» հասկացությունը, որը փնտրելը, գտնելը և զարգացնելը եղել է Վարդապետի գերխնդիրը: Ընդ որում, «ոճ» ասելիս նկատի ունենք որևէ ժողովրդին բնորոշ մշակութային անփոփոխ (ինվարիանտ) այն առանձնահատկությունները, որոնք սահմանում են այդ տեսակի ինքնությունը: Հայ մտավորականների և մասնավորապես Կոմիտասի կողմից «հայկական ոճի» համար մղվող շարժումը դիտարկելի է XIX-XX դդ. սահմանի համաշխարհային զարգացումների միջավայրում: Այս շրջանը մարդկության պատմության մեջ բնորոշվում է արագ հաղորդակցական միջոցների առաջացմամբ, քաղաքային կյանքի աշխուժացմամբ, որի հետևանքով սկսում են քայքայվել գյուղը և ավանդական արժեքները: Այդ արժեքների վերացման վտանգները տեսանելի էին հատկապես հայերի նման ժողովուրդների շրջանակում, որոնք, զրկված լինելով պետականությունից, գոյության կռիվ էին մղում կայսրությունների սահմաններում: Այս տեսանկյունից «հայկական ոճի» գաղափարի արծարծումը Կոմիտասի և նրա ժամանակակիցների կողմից պատմական անհրաժեշտություն էր: Ցույց տալով, որ գոյություն ունի անկախ «հայկական ոճ», որն ունի ուրույն մշակութային արտահայտչաձևեր ու միավորում է հայկական ժամանակն ու տարածությունը, հոգևոր ու աշխարհիկ մշակույթը մի համակարգի մեջ, հայ գիտնականներն ու արվեստի գործիչները փորձում էին ոչ միայն արդարացնել անցյալը, այլև լեգիտիմացնել ներկան, և ամենակարևորը՝ ստեղծում էին ապագայի տեսլական: Առաջ է քաշվում տեսակետ, ըստ որի «հայկական ոճ» բուն հասկացությունը սկսվել է կիրառվել հայ մտավորականների կողմից կոլեկտիվ հիշողության վերականգնվող լանդշաֆտների, և մասնավորապես՝ Անիի համատեքստում, որի պեղումները վեր էին հանում ոչ միայն կործանված հայկական պետականության ավերակները, այլև այդ պետականությունը վերստեղծելու հույսը: The present contribution aims to view the image of Komitas in the context of his time. The concept of “Armenian style” is chosen as the key word to perceive Komitas, a concept the deciphering and developing of which is supposed to be the main purpose of the scientist. The culturally invariant features of the nation are considered by “style” that define the proper kind of its identity. The movement of Armenian intellectuals, particularly that of Komitas for definition of “Armenian style” can be observed in the context of global developments of the borderline of the 19th and 20th centuries. In the history of mankind this period is characterized by the emergence of rapid means of communication and the activation of urban life, as a result of which the rural and traditional values began to crumble. The dangers of the abolition of those values were especially visible among such peoples as the Armenians, who being deprived of statehood fought for their existence within the borders of empires. From this point of view, the introduction of the idea of “Armenian style” by Komitas and his contemporaries was of historical necessity. Demonstrating that there is an independent “Armenian style” that has unique cultural expressions and unites the Armenian times and spaces, its spiritual and secular cultural spheres in a system, Armenian scholars and artists sought not only to justify the past of their nation, but also to legitimize its present, and most importantly, to create a vision for the future. In this article a view point is developed, according to which the very concept of “Armenian style” has been used first by the Armenian intellectuals in context of the newly restored landscapes of memory such as Ani, the excavations of which uncovered not only the ruins of the past Armenian statehood but also the hope of its recreation.

The Limits That Choose Us. Reports to the Club of Rome: Schematization Experience

It wouldn't be too exaggerated to say that today, in the second year of the coronavirus infodemic, we live in a world designed by the Club of Rome. Moreover, here we can speak of “negative geoplanetary architecture”: the Club of Rome did not expand and complicate the current reality, but sought to limit it, to remove some of its significant elements, thereby completely changing not only the structure of the world, but also the paradigm of human existence. And the Club of Rome has succeeded in this, though it is still not clear — for better or for the worse, whether the club acted as an independent actor or as an agent of some forces interested in redistributing world financial flows? Or even acted as a Marxist "historical necessity". In any case, it has influenced the thinking of intellectuals, economists and politicians of three generations.

The Cuban Revolution. A triumph of heroic creation over revolutionary myths

The Cuban Revolution, triumphant on January 1, 1959, performed the political miracle of achieving the coordination of heterogeneous social and ideopolitical forces, preventing the divisions of yesteryear and those that manifested themselves in the same combative process, from drowning the armed, political insurrectionary effort. -popular and antidictatorial, which went through historical necessity towards a very radical national liberation, anti-imperialist and socialist process. The revolutionary energy displayed as of July 26, 1953 was a call in the national conscience and promoted a new proposal. Two years later, it began to become the insurrectionary political accomplishment allied to the protest of the most humble people, to which it gave elements for their awareness and leadership of their rebellion. Then began a different era where the ideals of social justice were combined with national liberation; To achieve this, it was necessary to unleash the capacities of the people to change the country, destroy the precepts of geopolitics and carry out a gigantic heresy regarding what were considered the axioms of revolutionary thought until that moment.

Revolution after Revolution: The Commune as Line of Flight in Palestinian Anticolonialism

What is a revolution that neither overthrows a state order nor institutes a lasting one of its own? What happens if we disassociate revolution—the novel beginning, the break, the upending of order, the social transformation—from the movement of historical necessity that marks it even among the left, and open it instead onto those cases of anticolonial politics that did not play out, at least initially, as a desire for the forward march of progress and its terminus in the state form? In these cases, how do we move past the language, or more precisely, the grammar of failure when talking about revolution? What if the Palestinian Revolution, whose fate follows the rise and waning of tricontinental Third Worldism, might be read not as the defeated end of a revolutionary historical arc, but as the start of a line of flight? This essay makes two points. First, what was revolutionary about the Palestinian anticolonial experience was neither the spectacularity of its armed insurrection nor its call for radical equality, but its capacity to creatively make autonomous territory and declare communes. Second, reading this history poses questions about what a renewed encounter between the revolution concept and the anticolonial imperative might once again do.

INTERACTION OF HISTORY WITH THE ALBANIANS’ LITERARY TRADITION

T he ter m “h ist o ry of li ter a tu re” its el f we see th e his tor ica l devel op ment of a literature, the literary progression of a nation, and beyond, to other levels up to the world literature. Despite the barriers and directions of ideologically dictated interpretations, Albanian literature moves on and develops, i.e. stands out an d grows outside the claimed frames. Along with its development, numerous valuable studies of the process of drafting a new history of literature are also underway. Literature is in permanent communication with texts of history. In this way, history and literature help each other. The Albanian language was a language spoken in the territory of the old Christian state Albany or Albania that was situated in the territory of modern Azerbaijan and was known already before the adoption of Christianity. The Albanian historical and literary tradition began to take shape in the 5th century and was further developing during the 5th – 13th centuries. The paper presents that the formation of Albanian literature in the Albanian language was an objective¬ historical necessity.

The issues of style and stylistics in general and Azerbaijani linguistics

With the development and rise of literary language, different styles emerge. Our literary language operates on the basis of a system of styles and fulfills its social function. In this process, different styles emerge and language influences society through this means. Functional styles, which are a historical category, arose out of historical necessity. They do not stay in one state, they develop and change. Language is a social phenomenon and meaning, and performs certain functions, which also cover various areas of human activity. The diversity of existing ideas and thoughts about the term stylistics also confirms once again that stylistics is a fairly broad field of language. Keywords: literary language, norm, style, functional styles, linguistics

Hobbes’s Argument for the Practical Necessity of Colonization

Hobbes attempts to show that practical necessity and human nature are related in such a way that colonization is unavoidable by virtue of its naturalness. Colonization is practically and historically necessary because unavoidable constraints generated by human nature combine with material and social factors to produce certain inevitable outcomes. Hobbes’s account of colonization can also be understood in terms of his negative idea of freedom. Hobbes fails, however, to provide a sufficient explanation of one aspect of modern colonialism, namely, the existence of national liberation movements, while the role of the sovereign implies a different idea of freedom to Hobbes’s purely negative one. This makes colonization appear less natural and necessary than he suggests. Finally, I explore the implications of Hobbes’s account of the causes of colonization in connection with the possibility of a ‘science’ of history and the idea of historical necessity.

Practical Necessity, Freedom, and History

By means of careful analysis of relevant writings by Hobbes, Rousseau, Kant, Hegel, and Marx, the author argues that the concept of practical necessity is key to understanding the nature and the extent of human freedom. Practical necessity here means being, or believing oneself to be, constrained to act in certain ways in the absence (whether real or imagined) of other, more attractive options, or by the high costs attached to pursuing other options. Agents become subject to practical necessity because of economic, social, and historical forces over which they have, or appear to have, no effective control, while the extent to which they are subject to this form of necessity varies according to the amount of economic and social power that one agent possesses relative to other agents. The concept of practical necessity is also shown to acknowledge how the beliefs and attitudes of social agents are, in large part, determined by social and historical processes in which they are caught up, and how the type of motivation that we attribute to such agents should recognize this fact. Another key theme is how Rousseau, Kant, Hegel, and Marx, in contrast to Hobbes, explain the emergence of the conditions of a free society in terms of a historical process that is initially governed by practical necessity. The role that this form of necessity plays in explaining historical necessity invites thefollowing question: to what extent arehistorical agents genuinely subject to practical and historical necessity?

Practical Necessity and Historical Necessity in Historical Materialism

Practical necessity is shown to play a key role in Marx’s explanation of the historical necessity to which historical materialism is committed and to facilitate the adoption of a first-person standpoint that introduces minimal assumptions about what would lead the relevant agents to act in ways that bring about certain events and states of affairs. It is argued that Marx’s commitment to the idea of historical necessity, on the one hand, and his account of the possibility of a society in which freedom and necessity are reconciled, on the other, generate a problem in relation to the historical necessity of a phase of history that precedes a post-capitalist society in which freedom and necessity are reconciled. The idea of historical necessity would not apply to this phase of history, whereas to claim that it does so implies the existence of ‘surplus’ practical necessity.

Hegel and Marx on the Historical Necessity of the Terror

Hegel is shown to explain the historical necessity of the phase of the French Revolution known as the Terror in terms of conceptual necessity. This conceptual necessity concerns the self-conception and understanding of how the world ought to be characteristic of agents who are committed to the idea of ‘absolute’ freedom. Practical necessity here plays a key role, in that it is the mediating factor between this conceptual necessity and historical necessity. It also enables Hegel to avoid introducing a standpoint that is external to the one of the agents caught up in the historical process that is being explained. Marx explains the Terror in similar terms, and his explanation of it is shown to be related to his critique of the modern state and his critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right.