Private sector services: challenges to European trade unions

2002 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 356-376 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jon Erik Dølvik ◽  
Jeremy Waddington

This article maps the challenges faced by European trade unions arising from the growth and diversification of employment in private sector services, and analyses union responses to these challenges. Focusing on recruitment, internal interest intermediation, and articulation between the central and local tiers of union activity, it shows that many unions are making considerable efforts to renew their organisational structures and policies, so as to reverse the decline in membership and strengthen their workplace presence in private sector services. Approaches include union mergers, extension of collective bargaining into new areas, development of new styles of organising, digital unions, and creation of unions for particular groups. A critical issue is how to combine the differentiation and decentralisation of unions with coordination of union objectives: union renewal is a contested process, implying difficult choices as regards target groups and internal power relations. The article suggests that although the reforms have been insufficient to turn the tide thus far, the breadth of change cautions against precipitate judgements about the demise of unionism in private sector services.

Subject The pending labour reform bill. Significance Complying with an important election promise, President Michelle Bachelet has presented a bill to Congress to strengthen trade unions and encourage more widespread collective bargaining in the private sector. Given the governing coalition's majority in Congress and broad agreement among its parties on the bill's terms, it is expected to become law largely in its current form, probably by mid-year. Impacts Small companies, where unionisation is now uncommon, are particularly concerned about the reform's implications. A key disincentive for union membership -- non-members' access to the benefits it obtains -- would disappear with the reform. Trade unions are urging authorisation of sector-wide collective bargaining but this would require constitutional reform.


2011 ◽  
Vol 66 (2) ◽  
pp. 192-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barry Foster ◽  
Erling Rasmussen ◽  
John Murrie ◽  
Lan Laird

In New Zealand in the 1990s, labour market decentralization and new employment legislation precipitated a sharp decline in unionism and collective bargaining coverage; trends that continued well into the 2000s even after the introduction of the more supportive Employment Relations Act 2000 (ERA). The ERA prescribed new bargaining rules, which included a good faith obligation, increased union rights and promoted collective bargaining as the key to building productive employment relationships (Anderson, 2004; May and Walsh, 2002). In this respect the ERA provided scope for increased collective bargaining and union renewal (Harbridge and Thickett, 2003; May, 2003a and 2003b; May and Walsh, 2002). Despite these predictions and the ERA's overall intent, the decline in collective bargaining coverage begun in the 1990s has continued unabated in the private sector. It has naturally been questioned why the ERA has not reversed, or at least halted, this downward trend. So far research has focused on the impact of the legislation itself and much less on employer behaviour and perceptions, or on their contribution to these trends. This article addresses the paucity of employer focused research in New Zealand. The research explores views of employers on the benefi ts of collective bargaining, how decisions to engage or not engage in collective bargaining are made and the factors instrumental to them. It is demonstrated that the preferred method of setting pay and conditions continues to be individual bargaining. This is especially so for organizations with less than 50 employees, by far the largest majority of fi rms in New Zealand. Frequently, these smaller organizations see no perceived benefits from collective bargaining. Overall, these fi ndings suggest that despite a decade of supportive legislation there are few signs that the 20 year decline in collective bargaining coverage in New Zealand will be reversed.


Author(s):  
Maggie Holtzhausen

The legislative requirement of representivity of parties to bargaining councils remains one of the main challenges these institutions face. When trade unions and/or employers’ organisations are deemed to be unrepresentative, this could lead to the ultimate collapse of the council, or result in collective agreements not being extended to non-parties – thereby defeating the purpose of centralised collective bargaining. This research has thrown light on representation levels by demonstrating that they are not stagnant, but change constantly. The research indicates that today private sector councils especially are often faced with unrepresentative parties, mainly because of economic and political challenges and significant changes in the world of work. Examples are given of how councils deal with these challenges, if at all. The research indicates that even though representivity remains a huge challenge for councils, collective agreements are still in the main extended to non-parties. Nevertheless, there is evidence that the extension of agreements has been challenged. This article therefore throws light on and improves our understanding of non-representivity matters in certain bargaining councils, and by extension our understanding of non-representivity in other bargaining councils as well. It concludes with certain recommendations. Hence, this article contributes to existing knowledge by providing a more inclusive and integrated view of non-representivity and its consequences, thereby enriching the broader employment relations management context.


2007 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-108
Author(s):  
Gregor Gall

PurposeThe purpose of this article is to examine the processes and outcomes under which employers in the magazine industry in the UK ended the collective bargaining agreements for journalists with the National Union of Journalists (NUJ) and instituted a unilateral‐based regime in the employment relationship.Design/methodology/approachThe research data were generated primarily via interviews with lay office holders and full‐time paid officials of the NUJ.FindingsThe journalists' union maintained a presence despite employer hostility and has been able to use this as a basis to regain collective bargaining agreements. Nonetheless, the relative weakness of the NUJ has meant that it has been unable to date to force the magazine employers into conducting genuine collective bargaining. This represents a case of impeded but not dissipated “union renewal”, suggesting the union renewal could be termed as being of a “stunted” nature.Research limitations/implicationsThe findings of the research should be taken as being preliminary given that the NUJ has only recently regained union recognition and begun conducting collective bargaining again. A longer timescale will allow more definitive judgements to be made.Practical implicationsThe paper indicates the significant challenges that trade unions face to reassert themselves in the workplace in the face of employer ambivalence and hostility despite regaining formal union recognition rights.Originality/valueThis paper provides empirical evidence of how trade unions are progressing after regaining union recognition.


2005 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Grahl ◽  
Paul Teague

After virtually two decades on the side lines, European level collective bargaining is back on the industrial relations agenda. To a large extent, the resurgence ofthis notion can be attributed to the impact of the EC's 1992 programme on European economic and political life. This article examines whether any significant changes or new developments will result from this increase in interest in European collective bargaining. The article suggests that there are two main dimensions to European level collective bargaining: the vertical dimension which covers attempts to get greater collaboration and dialogue between European trade unions and employers inside the institutional framework of the European Community; the horizontal dimension which includes developments at the enterprise and market levels aimed at promoting trade union /employer contact outside the confines of the nation state.


Author(s):  
Cécile Guillaume

Abstract Based on in-depth qualitative research conducted in one of the major French trade unions (the CFDT), this article explores to what extent and under what conditions trade unions adopt different legal practices to further their members’ interests. In particular, it investigates how ‘legal framing’ has taken an increasingly pervasive place in trade union work, in increasingly decentralised industrial relations contexts, such as France. This article therefore argues that the use of the law has become a multifaceted and embedded repertoire of action for the CFDT in its attempt to consolidate its institutional power through various strategies, including collective redress and the use of legal expertise in collective bargaining and representation work.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-46
Author(s):  
Maarten Keune

In the context of rising inequality between capital and labour and among wage-earners in Europe, this state-of-the-art article reviews the literature concerning the relationship between collective bargaining and inequality. It focuses on two main questions: (i) what is the relationship between collective bargaining, union bargaining power and inequality between capital and labour? and (ii) what is the relationship between collective bargaining, union bargaining power and wage inequality among wage-earners? Both questions are discussed in general terms and for single- and multi-employer bargaining systems. It is argued that collective bargaining coverage and union density are negatively related to both types of inequality. These relationships are however qualified by four additional factors: who unions represent, the weight of union objectives other than wages, the statutory minimum wage, and extensions of collective agreements by governments.


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jon Las Heras

I compare collective bargaining in the Basque and Catalan automotive industries to show that since the early 2000s, two contrasting bargaining frameworks have emerged. The two largest Spanish unions have followed ‘top-down’ strategies in Catalonia, in which organizing the rank and file was secondary to signing the provincial agreement. This has created a relatively passive membership with little capacity to confront management. By contrast, the main Basque union refused to give priority to signing a provincial agreement and adopted a devolved strategy, resulting in higher unionization rates and more frequent strikes. I conclude, first, that union (renewal) strategies do in fact matter in the regulation of global industries and, second, that when unions modify their strategies, the organizational and bargaining dynamics also change, producing institutional configurations that embody new contradictions and dilemmas.


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