Young Workers in Transition: Explaining the Density Gap by a Life-course Perspective

A common challenge for all trade unions in most of the Western world is the growing trade union density gap between young and older workers. In this paper, we examine the generational trade union gap with point of departure in the Danish case. Our data stem from two large surveys (APL II & III).We find that young workers are not more individualized; to the contrary, unorganized young workers have a growing collective mind-set. Through the lens of a life-course perspective, our data show that young workers have a growing ‘fluidic’ working life. Many young workers also take jobs in parts of the labor market with weak trade unions representation not allowing them to get in contact with trade unions representatives.

Relating Union Density to Wealth Inequality and Subjective Well-Being Across 13 OECD Countries

Since the 1980s, the labor union density has gradually declined across member countries of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), indicating a lowering percentage of employees represented by unions. In the United States, the declining union density has been shown to have an impact on wealth inequality, which has increased correspondingly. With a lack of representation by labor unions, workers are less secure in their jobs, which could cause a reduction in job satisfaction and an increase in stress. Therefore, a declining union density can also influence the subjective well-being of an impacted group. The aim of this research was to identify and investigate the potential relationships between union density and wage inequality and union density and subjective well-being across thirteen countries through regression analysis. The thirteen countries selected were all developed, industrialized democracies and members of the OECD. Simple linear regressions were made using the most recent national data for union density, wealth inequality, and subjective well-being. Regression analysis was performed on the most recent data points of the countries as a group, and for each country individually over a period of time. There was a moderate-strong, negative correlation (R = - 0.608) for the regression of wealth inequality versus union density, yet inconsistent correlation coefficients between countries individually. There was a moderate-weak, positive correlation (R = 0.353) for the regression of subjective well-being versus union density, with more consistent correlation coefficients between countries individually.

Determinants of the Socio-Economic Turnout Gap in OECD Countries

Consistent evidence of variation in the participation gap between education or income groups in developing and developed democracies has begun to accrue. This points to varying disparities in participation between the haves and have nots that occasionally reach alarming levels, potentially triggering breakdowns in political representation. A few cross-sectional analyses identify institutional factors, such as voting complexity or state capacity, or economic ones, like income inequality, as driving the difference. Few explanations currently try to address why this participation gap varies over time. This is the question I take up here—I examine the extent to which the turnout gap has changed over time, and what the most robust explanations are for this temporal trend out of a set of factors grouped into 3 “families”. These sets of explanations refer to mechanisms that operate through voters’ (1) resources, (2) motivation to participate, or (3) likelihood of being mobilized at election time. Using an original pooled data set, with individual-level turnout data from 170–180 elections in 21 OECD countries, and party placement data from the MARPOR project, I show that the magnitude of the turnout gap between lower-SES and higher-SES citizens has increased over time, and that this trend has mainly been driven by the demobilization of lower-SES citizens. A two-stage analysis reveals that union density along with legislative fractionalization are the most consistent correlates of the participation gap between SES groups. The results are obtained from the most comprehensive evaluation to date of the way in which the SES-based turnout gap in advanced democracies has evolved over time. The findings contribute to our understanding of the long-term consequences for individual political behavior of institutional transformations in advanced democracies, and the democratic implications of these changes.

The potential of a union default to influence the preferences and choices of non-union workers in unionised workplaces

This article questions the perception of non-union workers as rather rigid and out-of-reach non-unionists by using research conducted in New Zealand. It explores whether, under new institutional architecture, non-unionists would continue to exhibit the same preferences and exercise the same choices as before. This was done by testing their responses to a union default scenario. The significance of this study concerns how this particular group of workers, contra non-union workers in non-union workplaces, would react to a union default where a union is already available to them. By contrast, non-union workers in non-union workplaces not only at present have effectively no choice for gaining union representation but are also bereft of any experience of it in their workplace. The results suggest 44% of these employees would join as a result of a union default with union density consequently rising in New Zealand from 17–18% to 26–27%.

Two roads diverged: Legal context and changing levels of private and public sector union density in the US states, 1984–2019

This article examines the causes of the different historical trajectories of US union membership in the private and public sectors, a topic relevant for understanding the link between unions and industrial democracy. The article focuses on the different legal contexts shaping membership in these two sectors, especially the role of right-to-work (RTW) and public sector collective bargaining (PSCB) laws. Using state-level data from 1984 to 2019, the study finds that RTW laws decrease, and PSCB laws increase union membership in both sectors, suggesting cross-over effects. The authors conclude with a discussion of the implications of these findings for the prospects of expanding economic and industrial democracy.

Identifying the Main Determinants of Part-Time Employment in EU Countries

The article analyses the prevalence of part-time employment in different EU countries with a focus on the factors affecting the rate of part-time employment across the EU. Based on the literature review, a distinction is made between three groups of factors that are relevant for the rate of part-time employment, in particular, cyclical factors, political and institutional factors, and structural factors. The article analyses how these factors influence part-time employment rates in EU countries. The linear regression analysis based on EU-28 macroeconomic data for the period of 2007-2018 has shown that all three groups of determinants (i.e. cyclical, political and institutional as well as structural factors) affect the rate of part-time employment in the EU-28. Part-time employment is a complex phenomenon which depends on a number of factors. However, the regression analysis has found that the following political and institutional as well as structural independent variables are also significant predictors of part-time employment rates in EU Member States (EU-28): average annual wages, the tax rate on low wage earners, expenditures on children and family benefits as a percentage of gross domestic product, trade union density, and the activity rate of people aged 15-24 and 55-64. Cyclical factors (the unemployment rate in Model (1) and real GDP per capita in Model (2)) have also been found to have a significant effect on part-time employment in EU-28 countries.

Labor Unions and American Poverty

American poverty research largely neglects labor unions. The authors use individual-level panel data, incorporate both household union membership and state-level union density, and analyze both working poverty and working-aged poverty (among households led by 18- to 64-year-olds). They estimate three-way fixed effects (person, year, and state) and fixed-effects individual slopes models on the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID), 1976–2015. They exploit the higher quality income data in the Cross-National Equivalent File—an extension of the PSID—to measure relative (<50% of median in current year) and anchored (<50% of median in 1976) poverty. Both union membership and state union density have statistically and substantively significant negative relationships with relative and anchored working and working-aged poverty. Household union membership and state union density significantly negatively interact, augmenting the poverty-reducing effects of each. Higher state union density spills over to reduce poverty among non-union households, and there is no evidence that higher state union density worsens poverty for non-union households or undermines employment.

Answering Skeptics

This chapter considers whether the new labor system could work as intended in the United States and whether alternative policies could better address the country's economic and political problems. It reviews some of the likely implementation challenges the new system would face, including determining the appropriate bargaining unit in a broad-based system and relationship friction between national and local unions, and finds, based on the US historical experience, that the challenges are likely manageable. It also reviews alternatives to the new labor system and argues that while most would be helpful, all have limitations. Other strategies to strengthen labor, such as increased organizing by unions and banning right-to-work laws, are necessary but on their own would not sufficiently increase union density or dramatically increase collective bargaining coverage. Non-union policies — from increased training to a jobs guarantee to campaign finance reform — would do less to raise wages, reduce inequality, or increase political voice. These often rely on strong labor unions to work best. All told, the new labor system is practical and necessary.