Age Gradient in Women’s Crime: The Role of Welfare Reform

2021 ◽  
pp. 155708512199167
Author(s):  
Hope Corman ◽  
Dhaval M. Dave ◽  
Nancy E. Reichman

We investigate how welfare reform in the U.S. in the 1990s shaped the age gradient in women’s property crime arrests. Using Federal Bureau of Investigation data, we investigated the age-patterning of effects of welfare reform on women’s arrests for property crime, the type of crime that welfare reform has been shown to affect. We found that welfare reform reduced women’s property crime arrests by about 4%, with particularly strong effects for women ages 25 to 29, slightly stronger effects in states with stricter work incentives, and much stronger effects in states with high per capita criminal justice expenditures.

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-235
Author(s):  
Manuel S. González Canché

Recent Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) criminal charges involving standardized testing have renewed public scrutiny over the tests’ role in reproducing inequities and wealth-based privileges. Although some continue to call for the eradication of standardized testing, this article presents a different perspective with a threefold purpose. First it provides a critical review of the existing literature on standardized testing including the newest development: geographical bias in testing or the systemic and systematic ways in which place-based resources influence test-takers’ performance. Second, it discusses the goals and consequences of the College Board’s recently unveiled “adversity score,” designed as a tool to “boost admission prospects” of students facing additional challenges in their neighborhoods and schools. Finally, it offers a conceptual and methodological framework and policy insights to shift the role of these tests as reproducers of inequalities to enhancers of equity and opportunity into what is termed true college access: enrollment with realistic prospects of success.


2018 ◽  
Vol 31 (9) ◽  
pp. 1715-1736
Author(s):  
Haena Lee ◽  
Kathleen A. Cagney ◽  
Louise Hawkley

Objectives: We examine whether police-reported crime is associated with adiposity and examine to what extent the association between crime and adiposity is explained by perceived neighborhood danger with a particular focus on gender differences. Method: Data are drawn from the wave of 2010-2011 National Social Life, Health, and Aging Project merged with information on neighborhood social environment and Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) crime report. We use burglary as a main predictor. Waist circumference (WC) and body mass index (BMI) are used to assess adiposity. Results: Living in neighborhoods with higher levels of burglary is associated with a larger WC, a higher BMI, and greater adiposity risk for women, but not for men. These associations are partially explained by perceived danger among women. Discussion: Our findings identify neighborhood burglary rates as a contextual risk in later-life adiposity and highlight that perceived neighborhood safety contributes to gender differences in health outcomes.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
R. S. Rose

O Freedom of Information Act americano é gratuito até um número de páginas decidido pelo governo, mas as informações dadas estão sujeitas à censura desnecessária. Como essa supressão se relaciona com o Federal Bureau of Investigation, assumimos que grande parte desse controle de informações deve a sua existência a uma regra em casa, seja de facto ou de jure, que restringe qualquer coisa que mesmo parece que pode voltar a assombrar a agência. O suporte é fornecido por documentos liberados pelo FBI contrastados com os mesmos documentos disponibilizados a partir dos serviços de segurança do Canadá.


2020 ◽  
pp. 233264922092189
Author(s):  
Atiya Husain

In the war on terror, the state frames terrorism as an exceptional form of violence. This research examines the role of race in that framing. Analysis of the 2017 Federal Bureau of Investigation most wanted program shows that the bureau deploys race to represent the terrorist as exceptional by (1) formally deracializing terrorists, who are far less likely than nonterrorists to even have race labels on their wanted posters, and (2) labeling antiracist, anticolonial, and anticapitalist politics as terrorism. I argue that such representations proceed in step with the material governance of terrorism that is characterized by disappearance. The representation of the terrorist as exceptional helps render the state’s antiterror apparatus as neutral and legitimate, and it continually renews the legitimacy of the colonial, capitalist state through the newer register of terrorism.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Moran Sullivan

103 Cornell L. Rev. 205 (2017)In July 2014, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) interviewed a man named Omar Mateen about his connection to a Florida native named Moner Mohammad Abusalha. Abusalha had killed himself two months earlier during a suicide attack in Syria, during which he drove a truck full of explosives into a restaurant. The group formerly known as Jabhat al-Nusra claimed responsibility for the suicide attack and credited Abusalha as the first U.S. citizen to carry out a “martyrdom operation” on Syrian soil.The local Islamic community in Abusalha’s hometown of Port St. Lucie, Florida struggled to reconcile how a “jovial and easygoing” young man had become radicalized. Abusalha’s initial radicalization had occurred in the United States prior to his first trip to Syria in 2013, and there was a concern among the community that its youth could be susceptible to the same extremist tendencies—especially given that Abusalha had made an apparent recruiting trip back to the United States after his training in Syria. Mohammed Malik, a Pakistani-American living in Port St. Lucie and a member of the local Islamic community, took it upon himself to speak with the FBI and other concerned community members in an effort to understand the motive behind Abusalha’s radicalization. One such conversation occurred between Malik and Mateen, both of whom had attended mosque at the Islamic Center of Fort Pierce with Abusalha. During this conversation, Mateen told Malik that, like Abusalha, he too had been watching videos depicting the American-born-turned-al-Qaeda digital propagandist, Anwar al-Awlaki. Mateen told Malik that he found the videos “very powerful,” a response that Malik found disturbing enough to again contact the FBI. The FBI, having already looked into Mateen based on a tip received in 2013, investigated him for a second time and once again deemed him not to be a threat.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 659-665
Author(s):  
Wanilton Dudek

Since the rise of Adolf Hitler in Germany in 1933, German opponents of Nazism had look for exile on the American continent, forming complex political movements across the American continent. The presence of the Free German Movement and the Council for the Democratic German in Los Angeles has alerted the US authorities, especially because of evidence of their links with communism and their relations with political movements in Latin America. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the role of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) in investigating German anti-Nazi exile groups in California and south of the United States border in the context of World War II.  


2001 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Faulkner

Abstract: This paper proffers two parallel and related lines of inquiry: (1) it considers the Federal Bureau of Investigation as a paradigm of all archives and, in that light, (2) it examines the meaning of the citations to Jean Renoir in numerous FBI files released under the U.S. Freedom of Information Act. These files provide the evidence of a heretofore ignored political activism on Renoir's part in the United States during the 1940s that must lead us to rethink critical and historical assumptions about his film work during his American period and immediately thereafter. Résumé: Cet article propose deux pistes de recherche parallèles et apparentées : (1) il présente le Federal Bureau of Investigation en tant qu'exemple paradigmatique du fonds d'archives et en ce sens, (2) il examine le sens des références à Jean Renoir dans de nombreux dossiers du FBI rendus publics en vertu de la loi américaine sur l'accès à l'information. Ces dossiers indiquent que contrairement à la croyance jusqu'ici admise, le cinéaste était politiquement engagé aux États-Unis durant les années 1940. Cette nouvelle information impose une réévaluation des présupposés critiques et historiques guidant l'interprétation de son uvre durant son séjour aux États-Unis et par la suite.


Author(s):  
Stephanie Elizondo Griest

Twelve different jurisdictions wield some degree of power over the Mohawk Nation of Akwesasne: four counties, one state, two provinces, two countries, and three different tribal governments. When calamity strikes, any of the following law enforcement agencies can be summoned: the Akwesasne Mohawk Police, the St. Regis Mohawk Tribal Police, the New York State Police, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the U.S. Border Patrol, the Sûreté du Québec, the Ontario Provincial Police, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, and/or the Canada Border Services Agency. “No wonder we are crazy,” a Mohawk elder tells the author. In this chapter, the author joins hundreds of Mohawks as they shut down their version of a border wall: a series of bridges connecting their nation with Ontario and New York. Also featured is a history of Mohawks’ timeheld trade of steelwork.


2019 ◽  
pp. 140-161
Author(s):  
Lorena Oropeza

In 1964, Reies López Tijerina was unceremoniously deported from Mexico on the suspicion that he was interfering in governmental affairs. The suspicion was baseless, but it left Tijerina, who had always taken pride in his Mexican heritage, no choice but to appeal to the U.S. government to promote the agenda of the organization he headed, the Alianza Federal de Mercedes. Specifically, Tijerina, now emphasizing his U.S. citizenship, sought an investigation into how land originally deeded to Spanish-speakers in New Mexico before the American takeover of the region had rapidly fallen into American hands afterward. Tijerina traveled to Washington D.C. and met high-level officials, including Robert F. Kennedy. Ultimately, only the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) paid him any sustained attention, convinced that Tijerina might be a Mexican operative.


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