Journalists and Editors: Political Proximity as Determinant of Career and Autonomy

2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 487-507 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Ceron ◽  
Sergio Splendore ◽  
Thomas Hanitzsch ◽  
Neil Thurman

Political economy suggests that media owners try to influence the process of media production by providing career incentives to like-minded journalists and adjusting the level of professional autonomy granted to them. Accordingly, we analyze whether the political distance between editors and journalists (i.e., reporters) affects the careers of journalists in terms of rank and salary, as well as their perceived professional autonomy. We hypothesize that editors reward and allow freedom to journalists whose political viewpoints coincide more precisely with their own. Political proximity to editors should lead to a better salary and rank for reporters and to a stronger perception of editorial autonomy among reporters. We tested our hypotheses through statistical analysis using data from the Worlds of Journalism Study. We analyzed the answers of 3,087 journalists interviewed between 2012 and 2016 in six European countries: Germany, Ireland, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain, and the United Kingdom. The results support our hypotheses. The analysis reveals a polarization of media outlet editors, and robust results were achieved via a measure of political proximity that takes into account the particular influence of left-leaning and right-leaning editors. Such partisan leaning, however, seems less relevant in countries belonging to Hallin and Mancini’s Atlantic model.

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 (5) ◽  
pp. 637-653
Author(s):  
Leanne Townsend ◽  
Koen Salemink ◽  
Claire Denise Wallace

With the pervasiveness of digitisation communications, those that are left behind are seen as socially excluded. In both academic and policy discourses, it is assumed that digital inclusion as a route into mainstream society is a desirable solution to problems of multiple exclusion and has led to many studies of the digital inclusion/exclusion of ‘hard to reach’ groups. Yet, Gypsy–Travellers, among the most marginalised people in society, have received little attention. Using data from the Netherlands and the United Kingdom, we assess the impact of digital communications on Gypsy–Traveller communities. This article makes a contribution in the following ways: First, we address the theories of ‘fields of inclusion’ to show how exclusion and inclusion work together in different ways; Second, we explore how different policy frameworks in the Netherlands and the United Kingdom shape these possibilities; Third, we document the forms of inclusion that Gypsy–Travellers experience in terms of digital communications; Fourth, we look at how Gypsy–Travellers use digital communications to recreate their own cultures as well as selectively integrate with mainstream society.


2019 ◽  
Vol 60 (3) ◽  
pp. 579-599
Author(s):  
Jon Burnett ◽  
Fidelis Chebe

Abstract Charging regimes and the extraction of revenue are integral components of immigration control in the United Kingdom. However, while these have been analysed in their individual guises, to date, there has been little substantive analysis bringing these regimes together and locating them at the centre of its enquiry. Drawing on data obtained through the Freedom of Information Act 2000, this paper consequently examines the functions of charging regimes as a distinct form of statecraft, focussing its attention on UK Visas and Immigration fees and charges, carrier sanctions, charges related to accessing services and civil penalties administered though immigration enforcement. Analysing their historical roots and their contemporary prevalence, it suggests that they contribute to the political economy of financial power, which has significant implications for understandings of criminalization and immigration enforcement.


2010 ◽  
Vol 30 (8) ◽  
pp. 1419-1437 ◽  
Author(s):  
PETER A. BATH ◽  
DORLY DEEG ◽  
JAN POPPELAARS

ABSTRACTThis paper presents a case study of the challenges and requirements associated with harmonising data from two independently-conceived datasets from The Netherlands and the United Kingdom: the Longitudinal Aging Study Amsterdam (LASA) and the Nottingham Longitudinal Study of Activity and Ageing (NLSAA). The objectives were to create equivalent samples and variables, and to identify the methodological differences that affect the comparability of the samples. Data are available from the two studies' 1992–93 surveys for respondents born during 1908–20, and the common data set had 1,768 records and enabled the creation of 26 harmonised variables in the following domains: demographic composition and personal finances, physical health, mental health and loneliness, contacts with health services, physical activity, religious attendance and pet ownership. The ways in which the methodological differences between the two studies and their different selective attrition might lead to sample differences were carefully considered. It was concluded that the challenges of conducting cross-national comparative research using independent datasets include differences in sampling, study design, measurement instruments, response rates and selective attrition. To reach conclusions from any comparative study about substantive socio-cultural differences, these challenges must first be identified and addressed.


2000 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 288-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Gambles

It is striking that historians of the early nineteenth century have been relatively reluctant to consider relationships between economic policy and the consolidation of the British state. In today's context, the economic and political challenges posed by both European integration and resurgent nationalism have generated hotly contested controversies on the political economy of state formation. From the perspective of the United Kingdom, the prospect of political and administrative devolution has forced us to address the implications of political decentralization for regional economic development (and vice versa) and to consider in turn the impact of these dynamics on the political integrity of a multinational state. For Britain, the period between circa 1780 and 1850 was characterized by unprecedented economic growth, imperial crisis and acquisition, and political consolidation. In a metropolitan sense the most dramatic feature of this process was, of course, the creation of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in 1800. Insofar as historians of early nineteenth-century Britain have examined the relationship between “state formation” and economic policy, however, they have tended to focus on the ideas, politics, and pressures surrounding the retreat of the state from economic intervention. Thus in more general accounts it became axiomatic that the nineteenth-century state shrank progressively from social and economic intervention, liberating commerce, and resting the fiscal system on secure but modest direct taxation.More recently, the relationship between the concept of “laissez-faire” and British state formation has been dramatically revised and refined by Philip Harling and Peter Mandler.


2019 ◽  
pp. 334-358
Author(s):  
Gerard Breeman ◽  
Arco Timmermans

This chapter presents an empirical analysis of rises and falls in attention to environmental issues on the political agendas of four EU member states (Denmark, the Netherlands, Spain, and the United Kingdom) and show how the pattern is affected by a multilevel dynamic and an issue competition dynamic with other policy issues. European environmental policymaking is a multilevel game and thus we study and link policy agendas at the EU member state level with the European Union level. The attention to the environment, however, is also seriously affected by issue competition dynamics with other topics—especially with the economy. We conclude that political attention for environmental policies is sensitive to cyclic attention patterns, and that attention to the environment in the Netherlands and Denmark is more affected by the issue-competition dynamic, whereas in Spain and the United Kingdom more by the multilevel dynamic.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ellen Brooks-Pollock ◽  
Leon Danon ◽  
Hester Korthals Altes ◽  
Jennifer A. Davidson ◽  
Andrew M. T. Pollock ◽  
...  

AbstractTuberculosis (TB) is a major public health threat, including in low TB incidence countries, through a combination of imported infection and onward transmission. Using data from the Enhanced Tuberculosis Surveillance system in the United Kingdom (UK) and the Netherlands (NL) Tuberculosis Register, we developed a mathematical model of TB importation and transmission in low-incidence settings. We apply this method to compare the effective reproduction number for TB, the contribution of importation and the role of superspreaders in the UK and the NL. We estimate that on average, between 2010 and 2015, a TB case generated 0·41(0·30,0·60) secondary cases in the UK, and 0·24(0·14,0·48) secondary cases in the NL. A majority of cases did not generate any secondary cases. Recent transmission accounted for 26% (21%,36%) of UK cases and 19%(11%,31%) of NL cases. We predict that reducing UK transmission rates to those observed in NL would result in 538(266,818) fewer cases annually in the UK. This methodology reveals common transmission mechanisms across two low-incidence countries and can be applied to other settings. Control policies aimed at limiting spread have a role to play in eliminating TB in low incidence countries.


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