scholarly journals The Double-occupation of Palestine

2011 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandy Marshall
Keyword(s):  
Present Status ◽  
West Bank ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Palestinian Authority ◽  
The West ◽  
Disciplinary Power ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Creation ◽  
New Generation ◽  
Spatial Formations

This article argues that the recent calm the West Bank is currently experiencing results from the US-Israeli strategy of outsourcing the disciplinary power of the occupation to the Palestinian Authority (PA). It discusses recent security commitments that the US has made to the PA, and popular Palestinian perception of PA police and soldiers. In addition, the article considers how the US/Israel/PA governing strategy manifests itself in new spatial formations in the West Bank, from new roads and shopping festivals, to new prisons and Palestinian-maintained checkpoints. Finally considered is whether a new resistant politics can possibly emerge from the present status quo, whether yet another generation of Palestinians can be expected to struggle and sacrifice, or whether the post-political malaise currently pervasive in Palestine (and elsewhere) will be perpetuated with the creation of a new generation of apolitical young consumers in the West Bank?

West Bank Areas A, B and C – How Did They Come into Being?

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Joel Singer
Keyword(s):  
West Bank ◽  
Palestinian Authority ◽  
The West ◽  
Oslo Accords

Abstract This article tells the story of how and why, when negotiating the Israeli-Palestinian Oslo Accords in 1993–95, the author developed the concept of dividing the West Bank into three areas with differing formulas for allocating responsibilities between Israel and the Palestinian Authority in each. The origin of how these areas were named is also discussed. This negotiation demonstrates that parties are prepared to modify ideological positions when detailed and practical options are presented that constitute a hybrid to the parties’ former positions.

Rising Cost of Occupation

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Assaf Razin
Keyword(s):  
Global Economy ◽  
West Bank ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Palestinian Authority ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Conflicts ◽  
Second Intifada ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
Political Units ◽  
Israeli Economy

Since 1967 when Israel when the West Bank and Gaza Strip occupation begun, there has been increasingly taxing social-economic effects on Israel. The second uprising broke out after the collapse of the OSLO agreements, in the early 2002. The Israeli economy was hit twice. It was first hit by the dotcom crash in the US; second, by the 2000-2005 Palestinian . The drastic effects on the Palestinian economy which shortly after split in to two political units (the West bank, controlled by the Palestinian Authority, and the Gaza Strip controlled by Hamas). Especially the Gaza strip economy got down to the level of humanitarian crisis. that the early 2000s shock had relatively small effect on the long-term trajectory of Israel's real GDP. The effect on the Israeli economy of the second Intifada shock was mild, and short-lived. globalization proved to be a “shield” against the Palestinian-Israeli military conflicts and regional trade obstacles for the Israeli economy. This means, that the Israeli economy is exposed, however, to alarming long run risks. If, and when, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, and the long occupation of the of the West Bank territory would trigger political conflicts between Israel and its trade-and-finance partners, this “shield”, provided by Israel high level of integration with the global economy, may break down.

Israeli Impunity

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mads Gilbert
Keyword(s):  
West Bank ◽  
Palestinian Authority ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
The West ◽  
Oslo Accords ◽  
The Past ◽  
International Pressure ◽  
Land Grabs ◽  
Israel Defense Forces

This chapter discusses how Palestinians are being killed, wounded, maimed, and oppressed by Israeli governmental forces with little or no international pressure to limit, stop, or prosecute systematic attacks on Palestinian civilians. With its immense, deliberate destructiveness, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) in Gaza have systematically attacked and eliminated people as well as predefined physical targets, all based on an Israeli military-political paradigm known as the Dahiya Doctrine. The aim of these Israeli attacks has been to “send Gaza decades into the past” while at the same time attaining “the maximum number of enemy casualties and keeping IDF casualties at a minimum.” Palestinian leaders have called on the Palestinian Authority to abolish the Oslo Accords since Israel has refused to commit to its obligations and instead has continued land grabs and settlement expansion in the West Bank and brutal attacks on civilian society in Gaza. Negotiations toward a final peace agreement have failed simply because Israel does not want peace.

Israel-UAE deal will expand existing security ties

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
West Bank ◽  
Economic Consequences ◽  
Public Concern ◽  
The West ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Us ◽  
Arab States ◽  
Regional Partnerships

Significance The US-brokered deal reflects Washington’s priorities in fostering regional partnerships against Iran and in upgrading Israel’s relationships in the Gulf (ostensibly as a step towards resolving the conflict with the Palestinians). Impacts There is speculation an accord could be signed as early as next month, but this may be delayed by the COVID-19 pandemic. Washington will seek to strong-arm other Arab states, notably Sudan, Bahrain and Oman, into following the UAE’s example. The agreement provides cover for Netanyahu to abort already troubled plans to annex parts of the West Bank. Netanyahu’s exclusion of coalition partners and security officials from talks has raised further public concern over his trustworthiness. In Israel, the deal remains overshadowed by preoccupations with the pandemic’s health and economic consequences.

Qatari role will isolate the Palestinian Authority

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
West Bank ◽  
Palestinian Authority ◽  
The West ◽  
Content Type

Headline QATAR/PALESTINIANS: Doha will isolate the West Bank

Water and the Challenge of Palestinian Institution Building

2000 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 35-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julie Trottier
Keyword(s):  
Case Studies ◽  
West Bank ◽  
Institution Building ◽  
Local Institutions ◽  
Palestinian Authority ◽  
The West ◽  
Water Politics ◽  
Water Power ◽  
Dangerous Situation

This article investigates local hydropolitical constellations in the West Bank through two case studies of individual villages. After examining the position of the Palestinian Water Authority (PWA), it identifies two concurrent dynamics in water politics in the West Bank: a centripetal dynamic drawing power to the PWA and the would-be Palestinian state, and a centrifugal dynamic dispersing water power among various village organizations and the Israeli authorities. The result is a dangerous situation whereby the Palestinian Authority is acquiring power even while it is not extending its control over local institutions.

Cultural heritage wars may affect Israeli-Arab ties

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Heritage ◽  
United Arab Emirates ◽  
West Bank ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The West ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Us ◽  
Peace Accords ◽  
Trump Administration

Significance The ‘Abraham Peace Accords’ between Israel and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and between Israel and Bahrain, were signed in September, after being brokered by the US Trump administration. Deals with Sudan and Morocco have since followed. Impacts Palestinian complaints will become more pointed as other Arab-Israeli ties strengthen and tourism increases. The Biden administration could engage in more scrutiny of right-wing Israeli claims, especially over the West Bank settlements. As right-wing politicians entrench their dominance, archaeological finds will drive more nationalistic interpretations of the past.

From Jerusalem to the Rest of the West Bank: Israel's Strategies of Annexation

2019 ◽  
Vol 53 (01) ◽  
pp. 6-19
Author(s):  
Raja Shehadeh
Keyword(s):  
West Bank ◽  
Geneva Convention ◽  
Nation State ◽  
State Law ◽  
Palestinian Authority ◽  
The West ◽  
Half Century ◽  
Legal Restrictions ◽  
The Law

AbstractSince 1967, despite international legal restrictions, Israel has sought to annex Eastern Jerusalem. Fifty-one years later, it publicly declared in its Nation State Law: “Jerusalem, complete and united, is the capital of Israel.” In the West Bank, Israel initiated on the ground changes that furthered annexation without formally declaring any part of it as annexed. For decades, Al-Haq has documented the gradual encroachment of occupation by successive Israeli administrations. And yet the Palestinian leadership failed to successfully utilize the law to support its case. Nor could the 190 states, parties to the Fourth Geneva Convention, be convinced to enforce the provision in the Convention which bids the High Contracting Parties to “ensure respect for the present convention in all circumstances.” During the Oslo negotiations, Israel succeeded in leaving Jerusalem and the Jewish settlements outside of the jurisdiction of the Palestinian Authority. Given these patterns across nearly a half-century of history, it seems likely that Israel will declare the full annexation of the West Bank in part or in its entirety precisely because it has succeeded in accomplishing this in the case of Jerusalem.

Islam, the West, and Ethnonationalism

1992 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-68
Author(s):  
Iftikhar Malik
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Nuclear Proliferation ◽  
Minority Rights ◽  
Muslim World ◽  
The West ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
Muslim Countries ◽  
The Us ◽  
Western View ◽  
New Generation

Western analysis, due to its dangerous oversimplification of Islam and othermatters in the Muslim world, has traditionally seen the appearance of anyindigenous movement calling for change and improvement in the name of Islamas a major threat. Muslims continue to be viewed in the stereotypical perspectiveof the “us-against-them” syndrome, a practice which prevents a propercomprehension of the dynamics and dilemmas faced by Muslims in thepostcolonial era. The Western media and, to some extent, academia thrive onsuch themes as minority rights, nuclear proliferation, human rights, anddemocracy, which they use as barometers. Based on the data which they collect,they then pass sweeping decrees about Muslim countries. Internal diversity andconflict receive a great deal of attention, whereas human achievements andcivilizational artifacts are considered as “foreign” to the Muslim ethos. Islamas a religion is reduced to so-called “fundamentalism” and a mere puritanicaland/or coercive theological orthodoxy. Moreover, no distinction is made betweenIslam as a religion and Muslim cultures and societies, nor between Muslimaspirations for unity and the realities of national and ethnic differentiation. Theresult is a Western view which both distorts and demonizes a large part of theMuslim world.As if this were not enough, Muslims in the post-Cold War era are now beingpresented and “imagined” as the next enemy. Among the factors responsible forthis are a) the multiple nature of the Muslim world, given its geostrategic locationright next to Europe; b) Islam as the second major religion in the West; and c)the assertion of a new generation of Muslim expatriate communities at a time ...

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