A Different Kind of Brown: Arabs and Middle Easterners as Anti-American Muslims

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 178-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bradley J. Zopf

The growth of nonwhite/nonblack ethnoracial minority groups, especially Latina/os, Asians, and Arab/Middle Easterners, is redefining the United States racial landscape. These groups, which defy straightforward racial classification and occupy different positions in the racial order, challenge narrow conceptualizations of race based on skin color and phenotype. Interviews with 53 Egyptian and Egyptian Americans reveal the existence of a brown racialization that simultaneously homogenizes, yet differentiates, brown-skinned ethnoracial groups. Their narratives indicate a brown ethnoracial category differentiated by ethnic, national origin, and religious differences. In problematizing the homogenization of this broad brown ethnoracial category, Egyptians emphasize the racialization of Islam as a key differentiating factor distinguishing them as a particular kind of brown. This research demonstrates racialization as a layered process in which race, ethnicity, national origin, and religion combine in unique ways in defining Arabs and Middle Easterners not only as brown and foreign but also more specifically as anti-American Muslim terrorists.

Author(s):  
Neil Longley

This article replicates for hockey what others have done for baseball and basketball, with the interesting exception that alleged discrimination in hockey falls along the lines of language and national origin rather than along racial grounds. The National Hockey League (NHL) essentially has three minority groups: Americans, Europeans, and French Canadians. The focus in the discrimination literature has been on French Canadians, and, to a lesser extent, Europeans. It is reasonable to suggest that Canadian fans and media have a much stronger sense of “ownership” of the game of hockey than what is found in the United States. There have also been economic changes that have occurred in recent years that should work to decrease any possible discrimination. While the NHL has historically had the least amount of voluntary player mobility, the most recent collective bargaining agreement signed in 2005 provides for a much more liberalized system of free agency.


2018 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 271-299 ◽  
Author(s):  
Krista M. Perreira ◽  
Joshua Wassink ◽  
Kathleen Mullan Harris

2020 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Festus E. Obiakor

AbstractThe United States and our world have been witnessing tremendous changes at socio-economic, political, and educational levels. Some of these changes have been fantastic and some have been depressing. For example, many of our fellow citizens are still enduring discriminations, victimizations, prejudices, and inaccurate expectations because of their race, skin color, language, national origin, religion, gender, sexual orientation, and values, to mention a few. These are evidenced in recent marches, protests, and agitations led by the “Black Lives Matter” movement to tackle increased police harassments, brutalities, shootings, and killings of Blacks, especially Black males. There are apparent disruptions, anxieties, frustrations, and deliberations about the kind of world that we are living in and the kind of world that we are leaving behind for our future generations. The critical questions are, Are we really “leaving the world better than we saw it?” What can general and special educators do to “leave the world better than they saw it?” This article responds to these questions.


2005 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-125
Author(s):  
Shaza Khan

Karen Leonard’s book, Muslims in the United States: The State ofResearch, seeks to provide “a useful research tool for exploring” the largebody of social science research that exists on Islam and Muslims in theUnited States (p. ix). As a “non-Muslim secular scholar” and anthropologist(p. xi), she reviews research that examines the lives of all those whoself-identify as Muslim, including those generally excluded from such discussions,such as Ahmedis, Five Percenters, and homosexuals. The varietyof topics explored in this review promises to draw a broad readership.Topics as diverse as immigration and racialization, international conflictsand intra-Muslim tensions, “un-mosqued” Muslims and extremist ideologuesare all covered. Therefore, those interested in sociology, history, religion,and, more specifically, individuals researching Islam and Muslimswill benefit from reading Muslims in the United States.The book is divided into three sections. In part 1, “Historical Overviewof Muslims in the United States,” Leonard briefly introduces Islam’s basictenets and proceeds to discuss the historical and political realities thataffected the growth of African-American, Arab, and South Asian Muslimpopulations in this country. She identifies three sets of issues that have historically arisen in research and theory building on Muslims in the UnitedStates: legitimacy as it relates to African-American Muslim movements,the problem of religious authority in the smaller national-origin and sectariancommunities, and the lack of research on the lives of “un-mosqued,”“invisible,” or secular Muslims ...


Author(s):  
Michael J. Broyde

Basic frameworks for successful religious arbitration exist, though religious communities, particularly the growing American Muslim community, still face challenges in implementing their own ADR systems effectively. This chapter describes some of these challenges, as well as the ways in which they may be addressed. It looks to the example set by the Muslim Arbitration Tribunal, a U.K.-based Islamic arbitration organization that has successfully adopted and adapted the Beth Din of America approach to religious arbitration, as a likely model for American Muslims to build on in constructing their own ADR processes. This chapter notes that Christian communities in the United States also face challenges in their attempts to implement effective faith-based arbitration, though these challenges somewhat differ from those dealt with by the more law-centered Jewish and Muslim traditions. Christian communities have responded by creating their own religious arbitration models that conform to the technical legal requirements of the FAA.


2003 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 132-134
Author(s):  
Katherine Bullock

With a picture of a minaret superimposed on the Statue of Liberty, thisbook's cover is a striking introduction to what is inside. Like the Statue ofLiberty that has acted as a beacon of freedom for wave after wave ofrefugees and immigrants, Khan argues that Muslims in America are beaconsfor the Muslim world, calling the ummah to an Islam of moderation, tolerance,and excellence; helping to bring the ummah out of its current malaiseby engaging in itjthad; and, the same time, bringing Islam to an ailing UnitedStates. And as the minaret and the Statue of Liberty also can represent polesof tension for Muslims (the love/hate relationship and the spilt personalitysyndrome that Muslims have toward the United States), Khan's book investigatesthe Muslim experience of living in the United States. He criticizes theUnited States for failing to live up to its promises of liberty for its Muslimcitizens and inhabitants, as well as for Muslims around the globe.American Muslims has eight chapters, each presenting a different angleof the relationship between being Muslim and being American. Khan setsthe scene by discussing "Islam in America" ( chapter l ), moves to "AmericanMuslims and American Politics" (chapter 2), "American Foreign Policy"(chapter 3), and "American Muslims and American Society" (chapter 4). Hethen introduces the notion of an American Muslim perspective (chapter 5)and has a chapter on the compatibility between Islam and democracy ( chai:rter 6). The 9/11 attack and its impact upon Muslims is discussed next (chai:rter 7), and the book ends with his perspective as an American Muslim onpolitics in the Muslim world (chapter 8).Khan presents forceful and consistent arguments that are both thoughtprovokingand often refreshing in their honesty. He is not afraid to say out ...


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-18
Author(s):  
Paula D. McClain

The United States, and the world, is in the grips of a coronavirus pandemic, and in the United States, we are facing a crisis of faith in the fairness of our political institutions, particularly the ability of Black Americans to live without the fear of dying at the hands of the police for going about their daily lives. Race has been and continues to be intertwined with American government and politics, in general, and how the United States approaches crises, in particular. Racial minority groups have been scapegoats for the failings of American policy makers to deal with numerous crises historically and at present. Race and racism are also at the foundation of the origins of American political science. The racism at the roots of our discipline’s founding have created a blindness to the significance and importance of the field of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics (REP) to the study of politics, democracy, and how American society reacts during a crisis. Our discipline is also at an inflection point that requires us to acknowledge its racist origins, confront its continued influence on the present, and finally to move forward in recognizing the importance of REP to the health and future of the discipline.


PeerJ ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. e2508 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexis R. Santos-Lozada

This paper evaluates racial/ethnic differences in self-rated mental health for adults in the United States, while controlling for demographic and socioeconomic characteristics as well as length of stay in the country. Using data from the 2010 National Health Interview Survey Cancer Control Supplement (NHIS-CCS), binomial logistic regression models are fit to estimate the association between race/ethnicity and poor/fair self-reported mental health among US Adults. The size of the analytical sample was 22,844 persons. Overall prevalence of poor/fair self-rated mental health was 7.72%, with lower prevalence among Hispanics (6.93%). Non-Hispanic blacks had the highest prevalence (10.38%). After controls for socioeconomic characteristics are incorporated in the models, Hispanics were found to have a lower probability of reporting poor/fair self-rated mental health in comparison to non-Hispanic whites (OR= 0.70; 95% CI [0.55–0.90]). No difference was found for other minority groups when compared to the reference group in the final model. Contrary to global self-rated health, Hispanics were found to have a lower probability of reporting poor/fair self-rated mental health in comparison to non-Hispanic whites. No difference was found for non-Hispanic blacks when they were compared to non-Hispanic whites. Self-rated mental health is therefore one case of a self-rating of health in which evidence supporting the epidemiological paradox is found among adults in the United States.


2007 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 150-153
Author(s):  
M. A. Muqtedar Khan

On 4 December 2006, the American Muslims’ national leadership met withkey senior American government officials to discuss Islamophobia in thecountry and American-Muslim relations. The conference, organized by theBridging the Divide Initiative of the Saban Center at the Brookings Institution,was co-sponsored by the Institute for Social Policy and Understanding(ISPU) and the Association of Muslim Social Scientists (AMSS).As conference chair, I had to bring together two parties that did not seeeye-to-eye on this issue. While American Muslim leaders and participantsargued that Islamophobia was not only a reality but also a rapidly growingphenomenon in the United States, the government’s position was that whilethere have been increased incidences of anti-Muslim episodes in the country,the word Islamophobia deepens the divide between the two sides. Other government representatives also suggested that the fear to which Muslimswere referring was not that of Islam, but rather that of Muslim terrorism, asmanifested on 11 September 2001.Stephen Grand (director, United States-Islamic World program) welcomedall participants and launched the conference. The government wasrepresented by the Department of State, the Department of HomelandSecurity, and associated agencies. The morning keynote address was deliveredby Alina Romanowski (Deputy Assistant Secretary of State forProfessional and Cultural Affairs). She was introduced by AmbassadorMartin Indyk (director, the Saban Center), who proclaimed the importanceof such dialogues at a time when the gap between the United States and theMuslim world appears to be widening ...


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