Ethnic Self-Determination in Normative Theory: Some Implications for Post-Apartheid South Africa

1995 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-28
Author(s):  
D. Glaser
KWALON ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Henry van der Burgt

‘He who does not care for his own people is worse than a heathen’: A peek behind the scenes of the Orania community Henry van der Burgt The town of Orania stands out in contemporary South Africa as a community with the objective to restore Afrikaner freedom. For this purpose, the town strives towards self-determination: the community has its own land, its own institutions, and does its own labor. Following my ethnographic fieldwork, this article describes one critical event in which Orania allowed me, as an outsider, to take a peek behind the scenes. By analyzing this incident as a social drama we can look past the homogeneity through which Orania presents itself, and see meaningful differences of opinion with regard to how the community responds to outsiders.


1988 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 175-181
Author(s):  
Rene Uys ◽  
N. P. Du Preez

An extensive research project with a response rate of 35% was undertaken under various companies in South Africa. The purpose of the project was to determine the attitude of employers in the open labour market towards disableds as employees. The researchers also wanted to determine the extend whereto disableds are employed within the labour market, as well as what their application and work successes are. In addition the research will focus on the various disabilities, and persons' abilities, training and expectations. The viewpoint of the research project is that today in the era of self-determination handicapped people do not want to be hired because they are handicapped. Nor do they want to be denied a job because of their handicap. Rather, they want to be treated as any other person. They want an equal chance to demonstrate their abilities and to live up to their potential. They want equal access to education, training and employment. They want to prove that they are people who can do the work and they want others to stop thinking about their handicapping condition.'n Omvangryke navorsingsprojek, waarop die responskoers 35% was, is in samewerking met ondernemings in Suid-Afrika gedoen. Die doel was om te bepaal wat die gesindheid van die werkgewer in die ope-arbeidsmark teenoor die gestremde as werknemer is. Die navorsers wou ook bepaal tot watter mate gestremdes in die ope-arbeidsmark in diens geneem word, die mate van hulle aanwending en wat hul werkprestasies is. Daar word gepoog om te bepaal wat die onderskeie gestremdhede en persone se vermoens, vaardighede, opleiding en bepaalde verwagtinge is. Die uitgangspunt van die navorsingsprojek is dat die gestremde in vandag se 'gelykegeleenthede-omgewing' nie in diens geneem wil word omdat hulle gestremd is nie, maar hulle wil ook nie 'n pos geweier word as gevolg van hul gestremdheid nie. Hulle wil eerder op dieselfde wyse as alle ander werknemers hanteer word. Hulle wit gelyke geleenthede he om hulle vermoens en vaardighede uit te leef en om hulle potensiaal ten voile te benut. Hulle wit gelyke geleenthede tot opvoeding, opleiding en indiensname he. Hulle wil bewys dat hulle wel die werk kan doen en hulle wil he dat ander moet ophou konsentreer op hul gestremdheid en dit wat hulle nie kan doen nie.


2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-116
Author(s):  
Bertus De Villiers

Section 235 of the Constitution of South Africa contains a promise of potential self-determination of language and cultural communities. An essential question arising from this promise is how an individual’s freedom of association interacts with the ability of a community to determine its membership. This article reflects on this question with reference to standards developed in international law and practices in the constitutional law of selected case studies. Whereas international law sets a universal standard of free association, states have developed practices whereby the individual’s right to free association is recognised, but where there are also some measures allowed to ensure that an individual is indeed accepted by and part of the community. Any conflicts that arise are, generally speaking, subject to a form of judicial review.


2000 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristin Henrard ◽  
Stefaan Smis

This article examines the right to self-determination and the various constitutional mechanisms that can be used to accommodate cultural diversity. Using the South African and Ethiopian constitutions as case-studies, it concludes that it is possible to respect the principle of equality and the right to identity of "population groups" in a way which will pre-empt calls for external self-determination, and it suggests that the mechanisms used in these two countries may serve as a model elsewhere in Africa and beyond.


2012 ◽  
Vol 33 (01) ◽  
pp. 45-56
Author(s):  
Robert Berman

The Just State, as Richard Winfield notes at the outset, is the culmination of an ambitious project devoted to limning the contours and content of a systematic philosophy of right. Apart from its value as a substantial contribution to the understanding of Hegel's Philosophy of Right, The Just State offers its own self-standing, content-rich account of political justice. Winfield's book is overflowing with argument and analysis, which calls for careful, detailed consideration, and the brief set of comments that follow cannot possibly do it full justice. It is useful, however, to focus on a specific topic concerning normativity discussed in the ‘Introduction’. In particular, I would like to raise some questions about the principle of equal opportunity and the adjustment problem that arises from it.Before turning to those questions, it might be helpful to offer an overview of the overarching structure of The Just State. The ‘Introduction’ and eight chapters can be clustered thematically into three parts. The ‘Introduction’ has the important task of clearing away the obstacles thrown up by sceptical arguments against the very possibility of a normative theory of political justice. Chapters 1-3 set the stage for the account of political justice proper, which then takes up the remainder of the book, chapters 4-8. So the argument starts, in the ‘Introduction’, with a refutation of the sceptical denial of the project of political philosophy understood as the normative theory of political justice. This is important because the positive upshot of this anti-sceptical argument is the identification of a singular normative criterion: self-determination.


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