scholarly journals The construction of the greek crisis in the public sphere

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Δημήτριος Σεραφής

Η παρούσα διατριβή επιχειρεί να μελετήσει πως, σημαντικοί κοινωνικοί δρώντες και οργανισμοί (δηλ. πρωθυπουργοί , εφημερίδες και διαδηλωτές), αναπαριστούν την κοινωνική δράση σε διαφορετικά κειμενικά είδη και, πως αυτή η αναπαράσταση δίνει ώθηση σε μια κατασκευή συναισθημάτων, κατασκευάζοντας κρίσιμες στιγμές της ελληνικής κρίσης στη δημόσια σφαίρα. Αξιοποιεί τις θεωρητικές προκείμενες της Κριτικής Ανάλυσης Λόγου (Critical Discourse Analysis - ΚΑΛ, βλ. Fairclough 2003, 2010, 2014; Van Dijk 2008), και την αρχή εξέτασης της αλληλεπίδρασης μεταξύ του μακρο-επιπέδου (macro-level), που περιλαμβάνει τις κυρίαρχες αξίες και οπτικές και του μικρο-επιπέδου (micro-level), που περιλαμβάνει τη γλωσσική τοποθέτηση ατόμων και οργανισμών (βλ. Van Dijk 2008: 85-89), όπως αυτή πραγματώνεται σε τρία κειμενικά είδη, δηλαδή, σε κοινοβουλευτικά πρακτικά, σε τίτλους εφημερίδων και σε συνθήματα γκράφιτι. Στη θεωρήτική μας συζήτηση, ακολούθωντας μια διεπιστημονική (transdisciplinary) και συνθετική (integrationist) προσέγγιση, εντός του πλαισίου της ΚΑΛ (βλ. Fairclough 2010; Van Leeuwen 2005), θα εξετάσουμε τις έννοιες του δημόσιου χώρου (βλ. Arendt 1958; Habermas 1989) και της πολιτικής, ως διαδικασία που διαμορφώνεται μέσω της γλώσσας—λόγου—εντός της δημόσιας σφαίρας˙ αντίληψη που έχει σημαντικό αντίκτυπο τόσο σε πολιτικές μελέτες, όσο και σε μελέτες που εντάσσονται στο πλαίσιο της (κριτικής) ανάλυσης λόγου (βλ. Fairclough 2003; Fairclough and Fairclough 2012; Laclau and Mouffe 1985). Εστιάζοντας στο μικρο-επίπεδο σκιαγραφούμε και προτείνουμε ένα συνθετικό, αναλυτικό πλαίσιο, βασιζόμενοι σε δύο αναλυτικούς πυλώνες: εφαρμόζουμε μια Συστημική -Λειτουργική (Systemic-Functional - ΣΛ) ανάλυση για να μελετήσουμε δομές μεταβιβαστικότητας (transitivity, βλ. Halliday and Matthiessen 2004: Ch. 5) των διαφορετικών κειμενικών ειδών και μια ανάλυση της σημειωτικοποίησης των συναισθημάτων (semiotization of emotions, pathos, βλ. Plantin 2011; Micheli 2014) με σκοπό να εντοπίσουμε την κατασκευή συναισθημάτων και την επιχειρηματολογική τους δυναμική.

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-108
Author(s):  
Nathan Black Rupp

AbstractThis article examines the ways in which states can exercise dispersed disciplinary power as exemplified in a selective erasure of gender from Indiana’s Targeted Regulations of Abortion Providers (TRAP) laws. To do this, this article investigates a critical discourse analysis using Indiana’s TRAP laws that have been brought to the floor of the state legislature from 2013–2018. The major narrative present throughout these texts is an intentional re-framing of gendered subjectivity or who gets to be called “woman”. Such state-driven discourse has the power to regulate social norms. Such norms and language assumptions often find their way into policy, including those defining how women can act or not act in regard to the termination of a pregnancy. Thus, by examining how TRAP laws deploy certain discourse, one better understands how the state, via legislation, takes an active role in controlling the public sphere by becoming an institutionalized pattern of interpretation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-218 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yiannis Mylonas

Abstract This study presents a scrutiny of ‘liberal’ discursive constructions of the ‘Enlightenment’ in the Greek public sphere. The study is based on the analysis of articles published in two news/lifestyle websites, ‘AthensVoice’ and ‘Protagon’, during the (ongoing), so-called, ‘Greek crisis’. Discourse theory, informed by critical discourse analysis, is deployed to analyze these discursive constructions. The analysis shows that Greece’s economic/social/political problems are constructed as symptoms that underline Greece’s fundamental deficit, which is the country’s alleged ‘lack of ‘Enlightenment’, as perceived by ‘liberal’ voices in Greece and elsewhere. The article concludes that such discourses are part of a biopolitical, disciplinary framework producing the object to be reformed by austerity: an ‘un-Enlightened’ ‘Greek character’, ‘guilty’ for ‘self-inflicting’ Greece’s crisis. This ‘reform of character’ envisioned by liberals in Greece and elsewhere, is supposed to emerge through the institutional advance of neoliberal restructuring processes that include austerity reforms, privatizations, and loss of labor and civic rights, conditions to foster the neoliberal, entrepreneurial, mobile and austere subject, to potentially meet the socio-political requirements of late capitalist growth.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 278-306 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erik Persson ◽  
Luís Moretto Neto

Since 2013, several social actors of the Federal University of Santa Catarina (UFSC) community have formed a public sphere in order to deliberate and decide on the University Hospital’s (UH/UFSC) affiliation to the Brazilian Hospital Services Company (EBSERH), a public company set up in accordance with a private law which has been created by the Brazilian federal government in order to set up a management body for public university hospitals. Underpinned by critical discourse analysis, our purpose is to analyze the embedded ideologies in discursive practices within the UFSC/EBSERH public sphere, especially those perpetrated by the federal government’s bureaucratic means as to mystify reality, and also promote and legitimize dominant interests and actions with regard to the UH/UFSC’s affiliation to the EBSERH. We organized this analysis in five main categories: (1) staff shortage and the ideological use of the double standard policy, (2) the ideology of neo-liberalism and managerialism, (3) blame avoidance behavior and the ideological dispute between ideology and pragmatism, (4) the policy of terror and the fallacy of choice and (5) ideology of participationism.


Author(s):  
Zhou Shan ◽  
Lu Tang

This chapter seeks to answer the question of whether microblog can function as a promising form of public sphere. Utilizing a combined framework of public sphere based on the theories of Mouffe (1995) and Dahlgren (2005), it examines the political discussion and interrogation on Sina Weibo, China's leading microblog site, concerning the Wenzhou high-speed train derailment accident in July of 2011 through a critical discourse analysis. Its results suggest that Weibo enables the creation of new social imaginary and genre of discourse as well as the construction of new social identities.


2020 ◽  
pp. 497-512
Author(s):  
Zhou Shan ◽  
Lu Tang

This chapter seeks to answer the question of whether microblog can function as a promising form of public sphere. Utilizing a combined framework of public sphere based on the theories of Mouffe (1995) and Dahlgren (2005), it examines the political discussion and interrogation on Sina Weibo, China's leading microblog site, concerning the Wenzhou high-speed train derailment accident in July of 2011 through a critical discourse analysis. Its results suggest that Weibo enables the creation of new social imaginary and genre of discourse as well as the construction of new social identities.


Humaniora ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-59
Author(s):  
Joice Yulinda Luke ◽  
Monika Widyastuti Surtikanti ◽  
Sumarlam Sumarlam

There were two objectives of the research. The first was to analyze the word ‘scandal’ from textual analysis (micro-level) and sociocultural analysis (macro-level). To analyze the findings, the research made use of Norman Fairclough’s model as the basis of critical discourse analysis. The research was qualitative, which tended to use inductive as the approach. There were 23 informants who participated in the survey and the FGD. They were selected purposively based on their profession and the workplace areas. The data were the four of Fadli Zon’s tweets containing the word ‘scandal’ and its context, which was available in some online media. Research content based on the textual analysis (microanalysis) shows that the text structure is short and directly conveys Fadli Zon’s criticism or negative assumptions toward any policies of government issues. Besides, the macro analysis indicates Fadli Zon has a dominant power to utter the negative judgments toward the government regarding the position in the government structure as one of the leaders in the Indonesian House of Representative. Substantially, the use of specific terms’ scandal’ overall illustrates the negative opinions and indicating declining trust in the policymakers on certain governmental issues. The use of cynicism, sarcasm, and satire styles colors Fadli Zon’s tweets that are also accompanying the overused of ‘scandal’ word. The analysis based on the dimension of discourse practice (micro-level) indicates that using the word ‘scandal’ in Fadli Zon’s tweets is cynical according to the public opinions. The analysis based on the social-cultural practice dimension (macro-level) indicates that Fadli Zon is one Indonesian politician who is often opposed to the Indonesian government policies.


Author(s):  
Dimitris Serafis ◽  
E. Dimitris Kitis ◽  
Argiris Archakis

Abstract This article examines the way that collective identity was discursively constructed during the anti-austerity protests of 28 and 29 June 2011 on the environs of the Greek Parliament. Drawing on the framework of critical discourse analysis, we study the interrelation between macro-level (dominant) values and views, and micro-level individual positions as expressed in graffiti slogans that appeared during the protests. The graffiti data comes from a personal archive which consists of 40 slogans, collected during June 2011. We conduct a systemic-functional analysis to scrutinize the transitivity structures of graffiti slogans, employing the notion of anti-language as central to the micro-level. We then draw on the notion of collective identity to frame the graffiti at the macro-level. Among our main findings is that the writers of graffiti slogans construct their collective identity on a two-fold oppositional axis: the first consists of the dominant institutions or “others,” which are negatively represented, while the second consists of a positively represented and inclusive in-group or “we.” The focus on graffiti has two manifest and interrelated goals: (a) to scrutinize the protesters’ semiotics in order to piece together their identity, thus avoiding subsequent hegemonic interpretations of the participants’ identity; and (b) to preserve the elaborate counter-reality constructed by these ephemeral messages against the official and “mainstream” discourses and their reality.


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