scholarly journals HISTORICAL EXPERIENCE OF COUNTERING YOUTH POLITICAL TERRORISM BY THE POLICE OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY AND CONCLUSIONS FOR PRESENT-DAY RUSSIA (TERROR GROUP ‘RED ARMY FRACTION’ TAKEN AS AN EXAMPLE)

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-11
Author(s):  
Ilya Leonidovich Morozov

‘Red Army Fraction’ is a youth extremist left-wing terror group that was active in the 1970–1980s on the territory of the Federal Republic of Germany. The terror group and its ideology originated mostly in Western German university circles. Most representatives of the group were descendants from wealthy families of high social standing. The ideology of the group included a mix of concepts related to social equity, preventing autocratic tendencies in the government machinery and interventions of Western countries against developing ‘third world’ countries and peoples. State security system of West Germany was unable to suppress the terror group for over two decades. The group finally announced its voluntary dissolution in 1998 due to a dramatic change in socio-political climate and general crisis of the left-wing political ideology. The growth of oppositional sentiments among present-day Russian young people is partially similar to the students’ unrest that had place in Western Europe in the 1960s and gave rise to terrorist groups. This makes the study of West Germany’s experience in countering the threat important.

Author(s):  
Desmond Dinan

On June 20, 1950, representatives of six countries (Belgium, France, the Federal Republic of Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, and the Netherlands) met in Paris to launch what became the first intergovernmental conference in the history of European integration. The outcome, after a year of difficult negotiations, was an agreement to establish the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), signed in Paris on April 18, 1951. Based on the Schuman Declaration of May 1950, the Paris Treaty established a High Authority of a “supranational character,” with responsibility for managing a common market for two key industrial sectors. The Coal and Steel Community was a political as much as an economic undertaking. It institutionalized a new departure in relations between France and West Germany and helped cement a postwar peace settlement in Western Europe, within the broader framework of an emerging transatlantic system.


Author(s):  
Erika Fischer-Lichte

Chapter 7, ‘Inventing New Forms of Political Theatre’, covers the 1960s and 1970s. It situates the chosen productions in the socio-political climate of the GDR—that is, within the discussions on the leadership of the Party—and in the Federal Republic of Germany, where the anti-authoritarian movement, the student movement, and the emergence of the Red Army Faction provide the context. The aesthetics of Benno Besson’s Oedipus Tyrant (1967, East Berlin), Hansgünther Heyme’s Oedipus (1968, Cologne), Hans Neuenfels’ Medea (1976), and Christoph Nel’s Antigone (1978, both in Frankfurt/Main) is evaluated in terms of their contribution to this discussion and their political stance. The last three productions serve as examples of how the Bildungsbürgertum—still the majority of the theatregoers in West Germany—wanted the politicization of theatre to be not merely justified but mandatory.


Author(s):  
Alena Aleksandrovna Gavrilenko

This article is dedicated to the problem of enforcement of decisions of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) in the Federal Republic of Germany. The author explores the experience of West Germany in settling the conflict between the national law and international treaty – the European Convention on Human Rights. Special attention is given to the analysis of positions of the Federal Republic of Germany related to the decisions of ECHR made in regard to other countries and constituting precedents in German courts, as well as mandatory for considering in the work of government bodies. The scientific novelty is defined by focusing on the previously uncovered by the Russian legal experts combination of relevant aspects of the enforcement of decisions by ECHR in Western Germany through the prism of the realities of Russian law. Being fluent in German language, the author used the original laws and regulations of the Federal Republic of Germany, as well as scientific literature in German language. The conclusion is made that by imparting the status of general law upon the European Convention on Human Rights, Germany still relies on priority of the norms of international law over the national legislation and compliance with the decisions of ECHR. The author recommends to incorporate the German practice, according to which for preventing the instances of violating Convention in the future, the government bodies of the Federal Republic of Germany must consider the directive of ECHR not only with regards to Germany, but also foreign countries, as the practice of the European Court of Human Rights accordant to the position of the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany constituents has precedential value.


2012 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 681-698 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARCUS M. PAYK

While it is well known that German conservative intellectuals were skeptical or indifferent to the Federal Republic of Germany established in 1949 and to its democratic founding principles, this essay shifts attention to a specific mode of right-wing acceptance of the new order. Focusing on Hans Zehrer, a renowned journalist and notorious opponent of democracy in the Weimar Republic, I will demonstrate how right-wing intellectuals interpreted West Germany's political system as a post-liberal order after the “end of politics”. But this vision of transcending societal and intellectual conflicts in a meta-politics was neither entirely new nor simply raked up from the late 1920s but reshaped to fit the postwar sociopolitical context. The essay illuminates several intellectual connections between Weimar-era neoconservatism and the specific conservative consensus formed after 1949, but it also explores personnel continuities within a network of right-wing journalists as well as continuities in the field of journalistic style.


1967 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 201-210

The Council of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) met at The Hague on May 12–14, 1964. The Council reaffirmed that the government of the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany) was the only German government freely and legitimately constituted and therefore entitled to speak for Germany as the representative of the German people in international affairs. The Council invited Manlio Brosio, former Deputy Prime Minister and Defense Minister of Italy and presently the Italian Ambassador to Paris, to become Secretary-General of NATO in succession to Dirk U. Stikker (Netherlands), who would retire on August 1, 1964.


2021 ◽  
pp. 003232172110403
Author(s):  
Noemí Peña-Miguel ◽  
Beatriz Cuadrado-Ballesteros

This article analyses the effect of political factors on the use of Public Private Partnerships in developing countries. According to a sample of 80 low- and middle-income countries over the period 1995–2017, our findings suggest that Public Private Partnership projects are affected by political ideology, the strength of the government and electoral cycles. Concretely, they tend to be used by left-wing governments to a greater extent than governments with other ideologies. Public Private Partnerships also tend to be more frequently used by fragmented governments and when there is greater political competition. There is also some evidence (although slight) on the relevance of the proximity of elections in explaining Public Private Partnerships in developing countries.


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