Enterprising activism

Author(s):  
Leah Bassel ◽  
Akwugo Emejulu

In this chapter, we explore how the changing politics of the third sector under austerity problematises minority women’s intersectional social justice claims in Scotland, England and France. We begin by exploring the ‘governable terrain’ of the third sector in each country since the 1990s. As the principle of a ‘welfare mix’ becomes normalised in each country, the reality of having different welfare providers vying for state contracts seems to prompt isomorphic changes whereby third sector organisations refashion themselves in the image of the private sector as a necessity for survival. We then move on to discuss the impact these changes in the third sector are having on minority women’s activism. We analyse how the idea of enterprise has become entrenched within these organisations and how an enterprise culture is problematically reshaping the ways in which organisations think about their mission, practices and programmes of work—especially in relation to minority women. We conclude with a discussion about what the marketisation of the third sector means for minority women. We argue that political racelessness is enacted through enterprise as minority women’s interests are de-politicised and de-prioritised through the transformation of the third sector.

Author(s):  
Francesca Calò ◽  
Tom Montgomery ◽  
Simone Baglioni

AbstractLiterature in the field of employability and the third sector has focused upon the impact of marketisation on third sector providers, elaborating how commissioning processes have led to a contraction of (smaller) third sector organisations (TSOs) and an expansion of larger private sector bodies. Extant research does not however explore the role of third sector organisations in the employability of migrants, refugees and asylum seekers. Therefore, our paper explores this gap by adopting a qualitative approach via a total of 36 interviews involving migrants, refugees, asylum seekers and managers of third sector organisations, alongside a categorisation of TSOs. Our findings reveal that TSOs are the primary (and for asylum seekers perhaps the only) providers of integration support services and training or education services. We found that only a limited number of organisations provide formal employability services or skills development services which seem to be only residual in terms of the range of activities that TSOs can organise. Thus, perhaps the main function that TSOs perform that enables integration into the UK labour market is providing a safe and trusted environment that people can use to increase their confidence, improve their well-being, broaden their social circle, learn the language or increase their work experience.


IIUC Studies ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 39-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rafiqul Islam Molla

The ‘private’ and ‘public’ sector economics found their own strong places to play roles in the mainstream economy. At the end, however, these two systems – the private, popularly called the first sector economy, and the public, called the second sector economy - both individually and jointly have been found seriously inadequate and incapable to ensuring wellbeing of human societies nationally and globally. Responding to such a situation a number of non-conventional approaches like cooperatives and social enterprises, waqaf, foundations, and other non-profit institutions, etc., together called third sector economy, were moved and promoted to ensure social justice and wellbeing of mankind. Initially it emerged as a make-up and defensive strategy of the market-state model to meet the minimum of unmet requirements in the sectors where the market and state have grossly failed. It, thus, played only a subordinate role. As a result, it could not help much to solve the problem of economic inequity, concentration of wealth, and social divides. However it is strongly felt that a broadly based third sector economic model with both not for-profit business like enterprises and for-profit businesses blended with social justice is necessary to play its role as a mainstream model not only for poverty alleviation but also for economic growth to bridge the economic and social divides. Mainstreaming the third sector is the urgent call of the day. Islamic entrepreneurship, which is basically a communitycentric mode of business initiative, is an antidote to the problem of intolerable economic and social dualism in the economies. It is a natural strategy against all forms of capitalist exploitations, like in the past through European colonialism and now through American led terrorism, to control resources. Accordingly it is the natural model for solving the problems of economic inequity, concentration of wealth, and social divides. Therefore, this study finds the Islamic mode of entrepreneurship as most suitable and effective for widening and mainstreaming the third sector economics, more particularly in the developing countries. Johor Corporation (JCorp) in Malaysia and Sheba Polly in Bangladesh are examples of two types of Islamic style third sector enterprises – one is staunchly business like initiative and the other is cost based charity initiative for social benefit. For the development and promotion of the community-centric third sector economics model, the paper recommends for urgently establishing a research and development centre on third sector economics preferably under an Islamic Research and Development Institute in any reputed university.IIUC Studies Vol.9 December 2012: 39-58


2015 ◽  
Vol 13 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 88-108
Author(s):  
Nick Pollard

This paper is based on a presentation given at the 10th International Conference on Practice Teaching and Field Education in Health and Social Work in April 2014. Occupational Therapy student non-traditional placements are an important element of developing autonomous practitioner skills. This paper considers the changes which have led to an increase in the use of non-traditional placements, and the significance of their basis in the third sector for a profession with origins in social justice and reform in the light of present health and social inequalities. It considers the advantages these placements bring to students and their universities, but also argues that the benefits to all stakeholders, including third sector organisations and their clients are critically reviewed.


Author(s):  
Brid C. Quinn

Local governments find themselves dependent on co-operation, not only with other levels of government but also with a range of non-governmental actors. New actors, drawn from the private sector, civil society, and technocratic élites, have become involved in the governing process and interdependencies have grown. Various approaches have been implemented to link the third sector and government, and various conceptualizations and analyses have emerged. This chapter explores strategies to involve the third sector in local government in Ireland. Ireland makes for an interesting case since it depicts an example of a state-designed system for formally integrating the third sector in the reformed structures of local governance. It provides insights about the theory and practice of subnational governance and generates transferable knowledge about the impact of nationally directed strategies to integrate the third sector with government. It also offers suggestions for further research on such linkages.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 359-372
Author(s):  
Felix Arrieta ◽  
Ainhoa Izaguirre ◽  
Martín Zuñiga

The role of the third sector in the provision of welfare and its relationship with public administration have been gaining importance in political debates because of the difficulties that welfare states have in responding to emerging social needs. The ‘Gipuzkoan model’, based on a public‐private collaboration between third sector organisations and the public administration in Gipuzkoa in the Basque Country in Spain, has been drawing attention over the past 40 years. However, there is a debate concerning the role that each actor should play in the implementation of welfare policies. This article analyses, from a qualitative point of view, the role of the third sector in designing and providing public policy tools for the region within the context promoted by the Gipuzkoan model of public‐private collaboration. The results obtained illustrate a multifaceted scenario in which different visions converge around the same question: How should this collaboration be developed and what future awaits the third sector?


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 106-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aliraza Javaid

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore whether the voluntary sector meets male rape victims’ needs in England, UK. The author’s contribution represents an attempt to piece together some of the voluntary sector’s responses to male rape victims in England, UK and examine whether they meet male rape victims’ needs. Design/methodology/approach The author draws on data collected from semi-structured interviews and qualitative questionnaires with male rape counsellors, therapists and voluntary agency caseworkers (n=70). Findings The findings reveal nuanced themes that have been overlooked in the existing literature of male rape: first, male rape victims are not given a choice of their voluntary agency practitioner (regarding gender) to serve them; second, there is no specific training on male rape in voluntary agencies; third, the impact of limited resources and funding in the voluntary sector means that many male rape victims’ needs are unmet; and finally, there is ageism and discrimination in some voluntary agencies, whereby male rape victims are prioritised in terms of their age. Research limitations/implications Methodologically, the author’s sample size was not considerably large (n=70), making it difficult to generalise the findings to all voluntary agency practitioners in a British context. Practical implications At a time of scarce funding and scant resources for the third sector, the impact of limited resources and funding in the voluntary sector could mean that male rape victims may not receive proper care and treatment. Budget cuts in the third sector are problematic, in that voluntary agencies may be unable to get access to robust training programs for male rape or to resources that can help shape and develop the ways in which they serve male rape victims. The needs of male rape victims, therefore, are unlikely to be met at the local, regional and national levels. Social implications Some practitioners are misinformed about male rape and do not have the tools to be able to adequately and efficiently handle male rape victims. Not only can their lack of understanding of male rape worsen male rape victims’ trauma through inappropriate ways of handling them, but also the practitioners may implicitly reinforce male rape myths, such as “male rape is solely a homosexual issue” or “men cannot be raped”. Originality/value Whilst previous contributions have recognised the third sector’s responses to female rape victims, little work has been done to identify their treatment of male rape victims. The author attempts to fill some of this lacuna. In particular, The author draws attention to some of the issues and dilemmas that arise when voluntary agencies provide services for male victims of rape. The author’s concern is that many male rape victims’ needs may be neglected or ignored because of the rise in neoliberalism, as there appears to be a financial meltdown in the voluntary sector.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document