scholarly journals The Shadow of the «Other»: the Spanish Civil War and the strengthening of Portuguese hispanophobic nationalism.

1937 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 398-413 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vernon A. O'Rourke

Few problems raised by the Spanish civil war are more interesting than those growing out of the fact that a state of war, in the legal sense, does not exist; belligerent rights have been accorded to neither of the contestants by third Powers. Consequently, on January 8 of this year, Germany turned over to the rebel authorities two Spanish loyalist vessels captured in retaliation to an “act of piracy”—an indictment earned by the loyalist government for its seizure of the German freighter, Palos. One may feel justifiably surprised that a government almost universally recognized as legitimate can be charged with piratical activities. Further reflection reveals that the Spanish situation presents many more questions concerning the rights and duties of the contestants as against third parties. In the absence of the recognition of belligerency, what are the rights of loyalist and rebel ships on the high seas? In the territorial waters of Spain? May the fascist or socialistic factions establish blockades? What are the powers and validity of their prize courts? Who is answerable for the illegal acts of the rebels should they lose—or be victorious? What claims will the Spanish Government have as against third Powers should one or the other prove successful? May the loyalist authorities by simple decree close to neutral trade the ports held by the insurgents? Moreover, how would all of these matters be affected if the maritime Powers of the world were to recognize the existence of a state of war, i.e., belligerency, in Spain? And, finally, in view of the magnitude and duration of the struggle, is there any justification for withholding such recognition?


2020 ◽  
pp. 115
Author(s):  
Gaetano Antonio Vigna

Resumen: En esta contribución se estudia la escena del aprendizaje lector y el encuentro con el libro que seis escritores contemporáneos cristalizan en sus libros de memorias. A través del análisis de tres tópicos estrechamente relacionados con dicha vivencia de la etapa infantil —la influencia de mentor; la rebelión al mundo escolar; el listado de obras influyentes—, se apreciará el poder consolador y correctivo del libro en el trasfondo histórico de la Guerra Civil española y de los primeros años del franquismo. A partir de esta aproximación, el artículo mostrará, por un lado, cómo los niños protagonistas de los libros escogidos contestarán el canon literario impuesto y el sistema educativo oficial, rechazado a favor del autodidactismo. Por el otro, será posible apreciar el retrato que estos memorialistas ofrecen de aquellos años de represión.Abstract: In this paper we study the scene of the learning of reading and the encounter with the Book as six contemporary writers narrate in their memoirs. Through the analysis of three autobiographemes related to this experience of the childhood —the mentor’s influence; the school rebellion; the list of influential literary works—, we will appreciate the consoling and corrective power of the book during the Spanish Civil War and the earlier years of the Francoist regime. From this approach, this paper will show, on the one hand, how the main characters of the selected memoirs reject the imposed literary canon, as well as the formal educational system in favor of self-learning. On the other, it will give us a portrait of Spanish society in those repressive years.


2019 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 307-331 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kirsten Weld

AbstractThis article reveals the influence of the Spanish Civil War (1936–9) on both the reformers of Guatemala's ‘Revolutionary Spring’ (1944–54) and the reactionaries who overthrew Jacobo Arbenz in 1954. It shows how officials in the Arévalo and Arbenz administrations looked to the defeated Second Spanish Republic as a moral and political example, while local opponents of those administrations treated Spain's Nationalist insurgency and Francisco Franco's dictatorship as models for how to exterminate communism. In so doing, the article argues for the importance of multi-sited transnational Cold War histories that complement existing studies of US intervention.


2009 ◽  
pp. 30-41
Author(s):  
Javier Rodrigo

- A few years after it initiated, the so-called ‘revisionist offensive' in Spain seems to have produced questionable results. On the one hand, its arguments have failed to enter professional historiography; on the other hand, however, its unquestionable sell and media popularity have turned it into a social phenomenon. In addition, historians have not reached an agreement about how to reply to it. Finally, on both sides, the definition, the origins and the limits of the phenomenon do not seem to have been the object of discussion. This is what we intend to analyse in this article. Key words: Revisionism, Negationism, Spanish Civil war, collective memory, Spanish transition to democracy, ‘memory recovery'.


Author(s):  
Nadia Andrea De Cristóforis

El exilio gallego de la Guerra Civil española se inició en 1936 y se prolongó, con distintas características e intensidad, hasta la caída del régimen franquista. Los países americanos se convirtieron en los destinos preferenciales de estas corrientes forzadas, por la presencia de comunidades emigratorias peninsulares que facilitaron los procesos de traslado y acogida. En este artículo analizaremos la inserción de los exiliados gallegos en el movimiento asociativo de este colectivo en Buenos Aires y Caracas, desde una perspectiva comparativa y haciendo hincapié en su participación en los centros gallegos de ambos ámbitos urbanos. La interacción de los refugiados con la comunidad migratoria organizada en una y otra ciudad fue disímil, pues mientras que en la capital argentina el tejido institucional galaico se encontraba ampliamente desarrollado, en la capital venezolana era prácticamente inexistente. Ello condicionó la capacidad de acción de los exiliados y sus logros concretos. The Galician exile of the Spanish Civil War began in 1936 and continued, with different characteristics and intensity, until the fall of the Franco regime. American countries became the preferential destinations of these forced flows, because of the presence of peninsular migrant communities that facilitated the displacement and reception processes. In this article we will analyze the insertion of Galician exiles into the association movement of this group in Buenos Aires and Caracas, from a comparative perspective and emphasizing their participation in the Galician centers of both urban areas. The interaction of refugees with the organized migration community in one and the other city was dissimilar, because while in the Argentine capital the Galician institutional network was widely developed, in the Venezuelan capital was virtually non-existent. This conditioned the ability of the exiles to act and their concrete achievements.


1991 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 213-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frances Lannon

At the end of the Spanish Civil War in the spring of 1939, General Franco celebrated his victory by decreeing that full military honours be accorded to two statues of the Virgin Mary. The first was Our Lady of Covadonga, patron of the first great reconquest of Spain through the expulsion of Islam in the middle ages. Now, after removal by her enemies ‘the Reds’ during the Civil War, she had been restored to her northern shrine in Asturias, marking the completion of what the decree described as the second reconquest. The other statue was of Our Lady of the Kings (de los Reyes) in Seville, invoked—so the decree ran—during the battle of Lepanto against the Turks in 1571 and the battle of Bailén agaínst the French in 1808, and invoked once more in the first desperate days of the military rising in July 1936, when a victory for the ‘Red hordes’ in Seville might have changed the whole course of the war. In Covadonga and Seville, in the undefeated stronghold of the Virgin of the Pillar in Zaragoza, and across the length and breadth of the country, the Virgin Mary had saved Spain and deserved every honour and tribute. It was equally true that from far north to far south, Franco and his armies and his Nazi, Fascist, and Islamic allies had made Spain safe for the Virgin Mary. There would be no more desecrated churches, no more burned statues, no more banned processions, just as there would be no more socialists, anarchists, communists or democrats. Spain would be Catholic and authoritarian, and Spanish women could concentrate their energies on emulating Mary, and being good wives and mothers or nuns.


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