The Human Rights of Middle Eastern & Muslim Women: A Project for the 21st Century

2004 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 106-125 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janet Afary
2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 163
Author(s):  
Supaat Supaat ◽  
Suciati Suciati

<p align="center"><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>Women have a very important role in upholding world peace and security because they have the power that is not possessed by men, namely the maternal instinct which naturally can create peace with love, care and harmony. This study aims to find out Muslim women who received world peace awards in the 21st century and analyze the points of peace education that they teach and implement. This research was a qualitative descriptive study with the content analysis of the peace speech they deliver. Based on the analysis, it can be seen that there are three Muslim women who received world nobel peace prize in the 21st century, namely Shirin Ebadi, Tawakkul Karman and Malala Yousafzai. The messages of peace that become their focus are efforts for democracy and human rights, especially the struggle for human rights and children (Shirin Ebadi), nonviolent struggle against women's security and women's human rights for full participation in peace-building work (Tawakkul Karman), struggle against the oppression of children and young people and the right of all children to get education (Malala Yousafzai).</p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (Summer 2020) ◽  
pp. 115-130
Author(s):  
Can Kasapoğlu

As the incumbent Turkish administration strives to pursue more aspiring goals in foreign affairs, Turkey’s military policy is fast developing in line with this vision. The nation’s defense technological and industrial base can now produce various conventional weaponry. Of these, without a doubt, Turkey’s drone warfare assets have garnered the utmost attention among the international strategic community. In tandem, the Turkish Armed Forces (TAF) have gradually gained an expeditionary posture with forward deployments across a broad axis, ranging from the Horn of Africa to the Gulf and the Mediterranean. Meanwhile, the military’s doctrinal order of battle has been transforming to address the unfolding hybrid warfare challenges in Ankara’s hinterland. Turkey’s proxy warfare capabilities have also registered an uptrend in this respect. Nevertheless, Ankara will have to deal with certain limitations in key segments, particularly 5th generation aircraft and strategic weapon systems which, together, represent a severe intra-war deterrence gap in Turkey’s defense posture. The Turkish administration will have to address this specific shortfall given the problematic threat landscape at the nation’s Middle Eastern doorstep. This study covers two interrelated strategic topics regarding Turkey’s national military capacity in the 21st century: its defense technological and industrial base (DTIB) and its military policy, both currently characterized by a burgeoning assertiveness.


Author(s):  
Alex J. Bellamy ◽  
Nicholas J. Wheeler

This chapter examines the role of humanitarian intervention in world politics. It considers how we should resolve tensions when valued principles such as order, sovereignty, and self-determination come into conflict with human rights; and how international thought and practice has evolved with respect to humanitarian intervention. The chapter discusses the case for and against humanitarian intervention and looks at humanitarian activism during the 1990s. It also analyses the responsibility to protect principle and the use of force to achieve its protection goals in Libya in 2011. Two case studies are presented, one dealing with humanitarian intervention in Darfur and the other with the role of Middle Eastern governments in Operation Unified Protector in Libya in 2011. There is also an Opposing Opinions box that asks whether the West should intervene in Syria to protect people there from the Islamic State (ISIS).


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Masthuriyah Sa’dan

In Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh), the right to choose a partner for a woman is set by families. This then becomes the spotlight of many circles who argue that fiqh is discriminatory against women. Muslim men have the right to decide with whom to marry. In contrary, Muslim women do not have such a right. Women right is taken over by parents in the name of Islamic law. In the World Conference on Population and Women in Cairo-Egypt in 1994, however, women were proclaimed to have their own reproductive rights that must be protected and maintained. One form of the demands of the reproductive rights is the right of women to determine their own life partner. This paper wants to examine the right to choose a husband for women from the perspective of Islamic law and international law on human rights. Keywords: the right to choose, women, Islamic law, human rights.


2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 693-708
Author(s):  
Nataša Deretić

This paper attempts to answer the question as to whether the right to "life and death" of a woman (ius vitae ac necis) at the hands of male family members or partners is indeed a timeless category. Is it possible that in Serbia of the 21st century there is still a struggle to promote the "right to life" of women to the level of "basic human rights"? What contributed to the fact that the concept of innate human dignity based on "human rights", which dates back from the feudal social order, has not as yet fully come to life in Serbia as far as women are concerned. What social circumstances contributed to the Roman ius vitae ac necis to outlive centuries and take root especially in Serbia, only under a different name - that of femicide? This notion has been defined as "gender based murder of women, girls, and babies of female sex by persons of the male sex". The murderers in cases of femicide include partners (ex / current, spouses or extramarital), family members or relatives: father, father-in-law, son, son-in-law, etc. Both expert and general public wander whether enforcing more stringent norms by authorities or acting towards changing the consciousness of the abusers or both at the same time, can contribute to eradicating this devastating phenomenon in the 21st century.


2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 24-40
Author(s):  
Ogechi Anyanwu

The reemergence of the Shari`ah in northern Nigeria in 2000 is reshaping the Muslims’ criminal justice system in unintended ways. This article accounts for and provides fresh insights on how the fate of Muslim women under the Shari`ah intertwines with the uncertain future of the law in Nigeria. Using Emile Durkheim’s theory of conscience collective as an explanatory framework of analysis, I argue that the well-placed objective of using the Shari` ah to reaffirm or create social solidarity among Muslim Nigerians has been undermined by the unequal, harsher punishments and suppression of human rights perpetrated against Muslim women since 2000. A I show, not only does such discrimination violate the principle of natural justice upheld by Islam, but it also threatens to shrink, if not wipe out, the collective conscience of Nigerian Muslims that the law originally sought to advance.


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