Toward a Regional Study of the Origins of the Cold War in Southeastern Europe: British and Soviet Policies in the Balkans, 1945-1949

1999 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 209-227 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thanasis D. Sfikas
2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 95-111
Author(s):  
Vladimir Kulić

This article introduces the special issue of Southeastern Europe dedicated to architecture in the Balkans produced in the networks of socialist internationalism. The built heritage of socialism has suffered several waves of erasure, most spectacularly exemplified by the current remake of Skopje, but it is also undergoing a surge in popular and scholarly interest. Focusing on Bucharest, Skopje, Sofia, and the activities of the Belgrade company Energoprojekt in Nigeria, the issue contributes to the growing scholarship on socialist and postsocialist space by analyzing architecture’s global entanglements during the Cold War. “Architecture” is understood here not only as the built environment in its various scales, but also as a regulated, organized profession, a field of cultural production, an art, and a technical discipline. It thus opens up a broad range of phenomena that cut across the fabric of society: from the representations of specific global imaginaries, to the transnational exchanges of expertise, services, and material goods.


2004 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 529-536
Author(s):  
ROUMEN DASKALOV

Neven Andjelić, Bosnia-Herzegovina. The End of a Tragedy (London: Frank Cass, 2003), 228 pp., $34.95 (pb), ISBN 0-7146-8431-7.Tom Gallagher, The Balkans after the Cold War. From Tyranny to Tragedy (London and New York: Routledge, 2003), 256 pp., $114.95 (hb), ISBN 0-415-27763-9.John Lampe and Mark Mazower, eds., Ideologies and National Identities. The Case of Twentieth-Century Southeastern Europe (Budapest and New York: Central European University Press, 2004), 309 pp., $23.95 (pb), ISBN 9639241822.James Pettifer, ed., The New Macedonian Question (Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave and St. Martin's Press, 1999), 311 pp., $24.95 (pb), ISBN 0-333-92066-X.Michael Parenti, To Kill a Nation. The Attack on Yugoslavia (London and New York: Verso, 2000), 246 pp., $10.00 (pb), ISBN 1-85984-366-2.Maria Todorova, ed., Balkan Identities: Nation and Memory (London: Hurst & Co., 2004), 374 pp., £17.50 (pb), ISBN 1-850-65715-7.Emerging from the obscurity of old-fashioned, specialised ‘area studies’, since 1989 the Balkans have attracted much attention from historians. The primary reason for that has been, tragically, the war in Yugoslavia and the emergence of a postwar order. Even the post-communist transitions (in Romania, Bulgaria and Albania) attracted less attention. Nevertheless, the field benefited substantially from the increased interest in the area, and lively debates took place on contested issues, sparked not least by hasty initial schemata (and stigmata) used by outside observers, such as ‘ancient hatreds’ and the like. Parallel to the attention paid to what was going on in Yugoslavia, and perhaps more productively in the long run, was the postmodern, postcolonial approach to Balkan history, inspired by Maria Todorova's Imagining the Balkans, which followed Edward Said's monumental Orientalism and appeared parallel to Larry Wolff's Inventing Eastern Europe. Such refreshing studies of Western representations of the region were later complemented by the internal perspective of how such representations were received, and coped with, in the region. A profusion of ‘cultural studies’ in the broadest sense followed, reflecting both the ongoing reshaping of Balkan identities and outside demand for such studies.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 135
Author(s):  
Xhavit Sadrijaj

NATO did not intervene in the Balkans to overcome Yugoslavia, or destroy it, but above all to avoid violence and to end discrimination. (Shimon Peres, the former Israeli foreign minister, winner of Nobel Prize for peace) NATO’s intervention in the Balkans is the most historic case of the alliance since its establishment. After the Cold War or the "Fall of the Iron Curtain" NATO somehow lost the sense of existing since its founding reason no longer existed. The events of the late twenties in the Balkans, strongly brought back the alliance proving the great need for its existence and defining dimensions and new concepts of security and safety for the alliance in those tangled international relations.


2006 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-144
Author(s):  
Annette Demers

Since the end of the Cold War, a number of regional conflicts worldwide have devastated innocent populations. The conflicts in Rwanda and in the Balkans come to mind as prominent examples. With these developments the literature about women and war has proliferated.


1996 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 547-549
Author(s):  
Nicolae Harsanyi

I certainly find the present times most engaging: I have had the chance to live through events that will not be neglected by historians—the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe and the subsequent end of the Cold War, the failed Moscow coup and the breathtaking aftermath of undoing “mankind's golden dream” in its very cradle, the Soviet Union. There is so much hope in the air for East Europeans to return to development which was thwarted by decades of imposed socialist dictatorship. The sweet taste of freedom and self-assertion helps people to overcome the economic hardships ravaging the area. From the Baltic to the Balkans, from the Tatra to the Caucasus and beyond, nations, nationalities, and minorities show signs of vitality and righteous affirmation of their own complex existence on territories fragmented by conventional boundaries established with or without their own consent or approval.


2019 ◽  
pp. 141-160
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Potiekhin

The article attempts to explain the reasons of the Yugoslav tragedy, which claimed about 300,000 lives and led to the displacement of more than 2 million people. The author boils the answer down to the simplified and biased Western interpretation of the in-fluence of Balkan history on the situation after the collapse of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY), systemic uncertain-ty in European and transatlantic relations after the end of the Cold War, adventurous and irresponsible behaviour of the leaders of several independent countries established on the ruins of the former SFRY, inadequate reaction of the United States of America (US) and NATO to the crisis, Europeans’ false initial belief that they will be able to address security challenges in the ‘new’ Europe by their own efforts. The author emphasizes that the settlement of the Yugoslav crisis should have immediately become NATO’s priority. In such a case, Americans and Europeans could have started working together as mediators among different conflicting parties to ensure a peaceful ‘divorce’ of the republics. However, Washington did not want to see this. The US attitude to the Yugoslav crisis in 1990–1992 undermined the foundations of the declared policy of NATO’s central role in Europe after the Cold War, which envisaged the responsibility of the Alliance for resolving the Balkan conflict. The author argues that if the deployment of an international peacekeeping contingent in the Russian-occupied parts of Ukraine’s Donetsk and Luhansk regions takes an expressive form, Kyiv will need to carefully examine the factual background of the events in the former SFRY. This should help avoid many of the complications that arose during the peace enforcement operation in the Balkans in the first half of the 1990s. Keywords: NATO, Balkans, SFRY, Yugoslav tragedy, USA.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 245
Author(s):  
Dr.Sc. Samet Dalipi

At the end of 20th century, parts of Europe get caught again by xenophobia’s which were hidden under the rug of the Cold War. Balkans was again at the heart of eruptions of nationalistic ideas and hegemonistic aspirations. In resolving the last unsettled Kosovo case in the Balkans, west democracies corrected the mistake made at the beginning of the same century. In this direction gave input the Jewish community of USA. “We need to come out in defence of the defenceless victims ... cannot let people like Milosevic to continue killing men, women and children. We had to do this earlier, but not later or now”, said Elie Wiesel, the most prominent Jewish Nobel Prize winner, in a meeting with Holocaust survivors and veterans.This was not the only voice of the Jewish members in defence of Kosovo Albanians. A significant number of elite American-Jewish prominent politicians and diplomats, senior U.S. administration, from public life,...have been cautious in pursuit of developments in Kosovo before the war. Altruism within Jewish elite influenced or advised U.S. policy makers on the necessity of intervention in Kosovo, to prevent scenarios prepared by the Serbian regime to de'albanize Kosovo.They decided and implemented the diplomacy of dynamic actions in stopping the repetition of the similarities of holocaust within the same century. What prompted this perfectly organized community in the U.S., with distinctive culture and other religious affiliations to people of Kosovo to support them during exterminating circumstances? Which were the driving factors on influencing the policy of most powerful state in the world in support of Albanians? This paper aims to illuminate some of the answers on the raised question as well as analyze the activities of most prominent AmericanJewish personalities, some of their philanthropic actions that are associated with emotions, their principles and beliefs to prevent human suffering and exodus of Kosovo Albanians, similar to their holocaust but with different actors.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 28-44
Author(s):  
Ibrahim Al-Marashi ◽  
Amar Causevic

The Covid-19 pandemic emerged as a global security risk, and national security institutions scrambled to manage a threat, not emanating from states or non-state actors, but from the environment. The pandemic serves as an empirical case to explore “anthropogenic strategic security,” or how security doctrines can anticipate and mitigate natural disasters, resulting from humanity’s exploitation of ecology and environment. This qualitative study addresses the question as to whether the NATO possesses the imaginative and institutional capacity to manage environmental risks resulting from climate change. By employing constructivist theory, this article argues that the Alliance needs to adopt holistic norms and approaches towards security. By expanding its identity and mission, it should adopt policies that task its constituent parts to serve as a de-facto “Climate Alliance Treaty Organization,” particularly in the MENA region, which is extremely vulnerable to environmental risks. A review of past NATO statements, meetings, and institutions provide the key findings, demonstrating that the Alliance’s past experience in aiding non-members, such as in the Balkans and South and Central Asia, has endowed the Alliance with the infrastructure, experience, and mechanisms for strategic partnerships with MENA nations on climate mitigation strategies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 321-348
Author(s):  
Artur Adamczyk

The main aim of the article is to present and analyze the evolution of Greek policy towards the Balkans from the end of the Cold War to the present day. The article uses the chronological-descriptive method and a case study. The article indicates that initially Greek policy in the region was reactive, conservative, nationalist, and based on cooperation with the Serbian government of Milosevich, which led to the marginalization of its importance in the Balkans. Only the Europeanization of Greek politics and the reliance on Euro- Atlantic structures strengthens Athens’ position among its Balkan neighbors. Undoubtedly, the financial crisis hampered the effectiveness of Greece’s Balkan policy, which is currently ambitiously rebuilding its image as an advocate of the Balkan states in the EU and NATO.


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