A working-class artist is something to be

2022 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-62 ◽  
Kenn Taylor

The creative and cultural sectors in the United Kingdom largely exclude the working classes. Even the small number of working-class people who do ‘make it’ into these sectors often find themselves and their work badly treated by those who hold the real power. This article explores some of the experiences of working-class artists navigating the cultural sector and how exclusion, prejudice and precarity impacted and continue to impact them. It takes as its focus the filmmaker Alan Clarke and the playwright Andrea Dunbar, who were at the height of their success in the 1980s. It also considers the writers Darren McGarvey and Nathalie Olah, whose work has achieved prominence in recent years. It is through this focus I hope to demonstrate the long continuum of challenges for working-class creatives. This article also considers how, on the occasions when they are allowed the space they deserve, working-class artists have created powerful shifts in cultural production. Finally, it details some of the changes needed for working-class people to be able to take their rightful place in contributing to cultural life and the societal risks involved if they are denied that place.

S Samuel ◽  
D Morrey ◽  
M Fowkes ◽  
D H C Taylor ◽  
C P Garner ◽  

This paper investigates experimentally the performance of a three-way catalytic (TWC) converter for real-world passenger car driving in the United Kingdom. A systematic approach is followed for the analysis using a Euro-IV vehicle coupled with a TWC converter. The analysis shows that the real-world performance of TWC converters is significantly different from the performance established on legislative test cycles. It is identified that a light-duty passenger vehicle certified for Euro-IV emissions reaches the gross polluting threshold limits during real-world driving conditions. This result is shown to have implications for overall emission levels and the use of remote emissions sensing and on-board diagnostics (OBD) systems.

Scene ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-86
Christine White

Abstract The creative and cultural arts sector in the United Kingdom, most often termed the 'arts and cultural industries' in 2011 had a turnover of £12.4 billion published in Create Arts Council England. The Centre for Economic and Business Research (CEBR) stated that the arts and cultural industry in 2016 was responsible for £21.2 billion direct turnover, which involved 137,250 jobs. This sector pays 5% more than the UK median salary and so makes a positive contribution to an average household. This industry also plays an important role in supporting wider commercial activity. This includes tourism spend estimated as £856 million and this includes film production advertising, design and crafts all of which is also showcased overseas. In addition, this sector's work is seen to have a wider benefit for health and wellbeing. For example, those who attended a cultural place or event in the preceding twelve months were 60% more likely to report good health and in terms of spend, people valued being in an audience for the arts as they spent £2000 a year on events, which is more than for sport, as cited in the Arts Council England report of 2014. The continued need for reports and advocacy for the value of the arts and how that value should be ascribed is frustrating as there is a continued and pervasive sense that these areas are still of less value when compared with STEM learning and industrial activity, yet there are an estimated 89,000 jobs in museums, galleries and libraries and 296,000 jobs in music, performing and visual arts. In 2018, the number of jobs in the creative industries sector stood at just over two million, an increase of 1.6% from 2017. The sector accounted for 6.2% of UK jobs in 2018. The number of jobs in the creative industries has increased by 30.6% from 2011: three times the growth rate of employment in the United Kingdom overall (10.1%) (Department for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport [DCMS] 2018). The cultural sector had a workforce of 659,000, a fall of 2.1% from 674,000 in 2017 (a record number). The sector accounted for 2.0% of all UK jobs in 2018. Since 2011, the cultural sector workforce has grown by 21.0%.All of these sectors do not include tourism; however, we know that when people are tourists, they are doing and seeing stuff which is most often in the realm of cultural and creative sector developed activity. Across Europe and by their different methodologies of definition of the cultural sector, defined anyone employed in an economic sector defined as 'cultural', irrespective of whether they are employed in a cultural occupation and all persons with occupations relating to culture are included, even if the people concerned are employed in non-cultural sectors ‐ the number is 8.7 million people (European Union Labour Force Survey: EU-LFS).

Timothy William Waters

The inviolability of national borders is an unquestioned pillar of the post-World War II international order. Fixed borders are believed to encourage stability, promote pluralism, and discourage nationalism and intolerance. But do they? What if fixed borders create more problems than they solve, and what if permitting borders to change would create more stability and produce more just societies? This book examines this possibility, showing how we arrived at a system of rigidly bordered states and how the real danger to peace is not the desire of people to form new states but the capacity of existing states to resist that desire, even with violence. The book proposes a practical, democratically legitimate alternative: a right of secession. With crises ongoing in the United Kingdom, Spain, Ukraine, Iraq, Syria, Sudan, and many other regions, this reassessment of the foundations of our international order is more relevant than ever.

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 110-115
Oleksandr Nosyriev ◽  
Tetiana Bukina

The article considers the issues of changing accents and cultural transformation in Ukraine, Great Britain and other European countries. In recent years, Ukraine has seen an active revival in the cultural sphere. From publishing to music, from film production to theater, from fashion to curatorial exhibitions – the Ukrainian cultural environment has become bold, diverse and large-scale. Euromaidan has given impetus to a powerful wave of cultural activism: from discussion platforms to spontaneous exhibitions, from urban regeneration projects to volunteer groups seeking to protect dilapidated national heritage sites. The impetus for it was the dynamism of the Ukrainian creative community. And further development became possible thanks to the support of new state cultural institutions. These institutes emerged after Euromaidan, such as the Ukrainian Cultural Foundation, the Ukrainian Book Institute, and the Ukrainian Institute. Institutions with a long history, such as the State Agency of Ukraine for Cinema, have strengthened their positions. The creation of these new institutions marked the departure from the post-Soviet system of cultural management. And the transition to a consistent and comprehensive cultural policy. The main thing is that the creation of a new system of culture in Ukraine has helped to bridge the gap between the state and cultural activists and the creative sector. One of the most important problems of the cultural sector in Ukraine for the last 25 years is funding. This problem is also relevant for the United Kingdom. But when it comes to finding resources for artists and cultural institutions, British policy has a respectable tradition and a number of successful answers. Support for the arts by both the state and business seems to be a matter of course for the British. At the same time, the idea of the self-worth of art is also supported by the idea of its social significance, as well as the perception of art as a primary source of creativity, innovative development, creative industry. The relationship between the European Union and the society of Ukraine is already yielding some results in the context of ensuring the democratic and European development of the state. For the successful implementation of European integration in Ukraine, it is necessary to apply such mechanisms that will ensure coordinated management of social processes of the state in the direction of European integration. The main mechanism is cultural policy, which should be aimed at regulating the regulatory framework. And the application of regulations in practice. This will allow culture to take a leading position on the path to national modernization. Legislation should be a mechanism for achieving goals, and the main thing should remain that the person should be at the center of cultural policy of the state. Given the experience of the United Kingdom, the formation of Ukraine's cultural policy should be based on the idea of the all-encompassing impact of culture on modern society. Accordingly, such a policy, being aimed at the cultural sector, effectively affects all spheres of public life. Consistent support for culture at the financial and fiscal, legislative and executive, national and local levels should, above all, be based on an awareness of the value of culture. Culture enriches people's lives, changes their worldview and inspires creativity. In the social dimension, its impact has the most significant impact on education, health and cohesion.

2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 481-490 ◽  
Agnès Garcia-Ventura ◽  
Jordi Vidal

Abstract In this essay we discuss two examples of the influence exerted by the advice of scholars from the United Kingdom on the shaping and management of Spanish collections – those at the Museo de Reproducciones Artísticas de Madrid and the Real Academia de la Historia. We take as the starting point for our study two letters sent by Juan Facundo Riaño to scholars from the UK, both of which provide valuable information on the international networks in operation at a time when some collections – including those dealt with here – were being created or expanded. The first of the letters was sent by Riaño to Austen Henry Layard in 1881; the second was addressed in 1895 to Archibald Henry Sayce.

Tempo ◽  
1956 ◽  
pp. 7-9
Boyd Neel

It seems to come as a complete surprise to many people, especially in the United Kingdom, that Canada has a vital musical life of its own, both as regards performance and creative activity. That this should be so is due chiefly to Canadians themselves, who are the most backward of all people in spreading abroad the facts of their cultural life. Apart from this, they are ill-served by their own musicians, who arrive in large numbers in the United Kingdom telling everybody that they have come because there is nothing for them to do in Canada. I myself was also a victim of this widespread impression until I had the good fortune to take the Boyd Neel Orchestra on tour in the Dominion in 1952. Imagine my astonishment when I found enormous audiences of an extremely enlightened nature and a musical life boiling with activity and lacking only one thing—sufficient players to meet the demand. I then realised the ludicrous situation that obtained with so many Canadians pouring into the already overcrowded musical world of the United Kingdom, while their confrères, who remained at home, were all working twenty-four hours a day to try to keep the pot boiling. I found the same conditions when I visited Australia and New Zealand some eight years ago. The cry was always ‘Why can't we get anything going here?’ The answer was obvious—that as long as all the best musical talent went immediately to England, nothing would ever get started in the Dominions.

2015 ◽  
Vol 45 (1_suppl) ◽  
pp. 95S-113S ◽  
Jon Dean

This article utilizes Pierre Bourdieu’s theories of habitus and cultural capital to offer some explanation as to why there is a lack of class diversity in formal volunteering in the United Kingdom. Recent studies have shown that participation in volunteering is heavily dependent on social class revolving around a highly committed middle-class “civic core” of volunteers. This article draws on original qualitative research to argue that the delivery of recent youth volunteering policies has unintentionally reinforced participation within this group, rather than widening access to diverse populations including working-class young people. Drawing on interviews with volunteer recruiters, it is shown that the pressure to meet targets forces workers to recruit middle-class young people whose habitus allows them to fit instantly into volunteering projects. Furthermore, workers perceive working-class young people as recalcitrant to volunteering, thereby reinforcing any inhabited resistance, and impeding access to the benefits of volunteering.

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