Drag resistance: Necropolitics, queer survival and a Balkan counterpublics

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. Anna

Taking the murder of Greek HIV+ and queer activist Zak Kostopoulos as its starting point – an exercise of necropolitical power in broad daylight – this article explores the work of drag queens in Greece and their aesthetic/political choices. It interprets their performances as tactics of survival and resistance and as creative responses to queer trauma. The role of queerfeminist spaces, cultural events and collectives also is examined as a response to the increasing right-wing turn in the country’s political scene – itself the result of the financial crisis of 2008. It imports José Esteban Muñoz’s disidentifications and counterpublics, Elizabeth Freeman’s erotohistoriography and Achille Mbembe’s necropolitics into the Greek/Balkan context and analyses the particular configurations and intersections of sexualities, genders, statehood, race, class and religion in Greece. It then examines disidentifications and counterpublics as empowering practices of community forming, offering glimpses of a queer Balkan counterpublics and the tools employed towards its making (humour, parody, reclaiming, disidentification, mourning and embodied pleasures).

Fascism ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 234-258 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pietro Castelli Gattinara ◽  
Caterina Froio ◽  
Matteo Albanese

The present works sets up to analyze the relationship between radical right activism and the unfolding of the financial crisis in Europe, investigating the extent to which the current economic circumstances have influenced right-wing movements’ political supply and repertoires of action. Using the case study of the Italian neo-fascist group CasaPound, and based on a mix of historiography and ethnographic methods, the present work systematically analyzes the ways in which the group tackles the economic crisis. We find that the crisis offers a whole new set of opportunities for the radical right to reconnect with its fascist legacy, and to develop and innovate crisis-related policy proposals and practices. The crisis shapes the groups’ self-understanding and its practices of identity building, both in terms of collective rediscovery of the fascist regime’s legislation, and in terms of promotion of the fascist model as a ‘third way’ alternative to market capitalism. Even more importantly, the financial crisis plays the role of the enemy against which the fascist identity is built, and enables neo-fascist movements to selectively reproduce their identity and ideology within its practices of protest, propaganda, and consensus building.


2020 ◽  
pp. 442-459
Author(s):  
Juha Herkman ◽  
Janne Matikainen

The article analyses a political scandal that occurred in Finland in 2015, when an MP of the populist right-wing Finns Party, Olli Immonen, published a Facebook update in which he used the same kind of militant–nationalist rhetoric against multiculturalism that Norwegian mass-murderer Anders Behring Breivik had used a couple of years earlier. By analyzing the content published in both social and news media, the role of social media and the relationship between news reporting and social media are explored by analyzing the progress of the scandal. The analysis indicates the prominent role of social media as being a starting point for scandal and for keeping scandal in the public eye, serving as forums for supporters and opponents of the scandalized politician. The relationship between social and news media seems symbiotic in this case because both of them fed and inspired each other during the scandal. However, further research is needed to fully understand the role of social media in scandals linked to north and west European populist right-wing parties, as well as political scandals occurring in different political contexts and media environments.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saule T. Omarova

68 Alabama Law Review 1029 (2017)The global financial crisis of 2008-2009 has sharply reframed the debate on the role of bank corporate governance as a mechanism of systemic crisis prevention. Among other things, it revealed how often the incentives of bank managers and shareholders to maximize short-term private gains are perfectly aligned as a matter of internal governance, but work directly against the broader public interest in preserving long-term financial stability. This Article accepts the existence of that built-in potential conflict as the critical starting point for answering the central question of post-crisis bank governance: How do we ensure that the board of directors of a privately-owned banking institution consistently and effectively acts in a manner that serves the overarching public interest in preventing systemic financial crises?The Article offers an unorthodox solution to this problem: in lieu of “improving” or “tweaking” existing standards and procedures that determine board composition or guide specific board actions, it advocates a fundamental structural reconfiguration of bank governance. Specifically, the Article proposes a special “golden share” regime that would grant direct but conditional management rights to a designated government representative on the board of each systemically important banking organization. The goal of the proposed regime is to create a powerful organizational node of public-interest-driven management, which would operate as a dynamic and flexible internal “emergency brake” on individual banks’ activities presenting significant systemic stability concerns. In effect, this mechanism would enable the federal government to accept the role of the “manager of last resort” of a systemically significant financial firm—but only temporarily, and only when it is necessary to preempt or reverse emerging threats to the financial system’s continuing operation.Importantly, the proposed regime is neither a nationalization measure nor an institutionalized bank bailout. Its overarching purpose is not to put the government in charge of private firms but, on the contrary, to steer the firms toward self-correcting and preventative actions necessary to avoid that undesirable result. In that sense, the golden share regime operationalizes a novel approach to bank—and, more broadly, systemically important financial institution (“SIFI”)—corporate governance as an inherently hybrid public–private process.Keywords: banks, bank governance, bank directors, financial stability, systemic risk, financial crisis, SIFI governance, corporate governance, golden share, government stake, board of directors, fiduciary duty, financial institutions, manager of last resort, crisis management


Author(s):  
Fotios Misopoulos ◽  
Konstantinos Papathanasiou

This research examines the various ways in which Third Party Logistics service providers (3PLs) are being affected by the current market turmoil, also known as the financial crisis of 2008-2010 (which still rages on). Furthermore, the research locates and analyses the countermeasures 3PLs apply in order to respond to the recession. The main focus is in the Greek market; however a global overview of the industry was considered vital in order to conceptualize the entire subject in a clear and comprehensible way. The main aspects of the logistics industry have been described, and the significance and role of 3PLs are stated appropriately. A deep research on past growth of such enterprises, combined with the effects and impacts previous crises had, and the extracted information utilized by the conducted research, has led to unquestionable results - in terms of affection and selected countermeasures - which are representative for the 3PL providers throughout the Greek market.


Author(s):  
Juha Herkman ◽  
Janne Matikainen

The article analyses a political scandal that occurred in Finland in 2015, when an MP of the populist right-wing Finns Party, Olli Immonen, published a Facebook update in which he used the same kind of militant–nationalist rhetoric against multiculturalism that Norwegian mass-murderer Anders Behring Breivik had used a couple of years earlier. By analyzing the content published in both social and news media, the role of social media and the relationship between news reporting and social media are explored by analyzing the progress of the scandal. The analysis indicates the prominent role of social media as being a starting point for scandal and for keeping scandal in the public eye, serving as forums for supporters and opponents of the scandalized politician. The relationship between social and news media seems symbiotic in this case because both of them fed and inspired each other during the scandal. However, further research is needed to fully understand the role of social media in scandals linked to north and west European populist right-wing parties, as well as political scandals occurring in different political contexts and media environments.


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