Revoking the MA in Gender Studies in Hungary and Right-Wing Populist Rhetoric

2019 ◽  
pp. 135-144
Author(s):  
Erzsébet Barát
Keyword(s):  
2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-70
Author(s):  
Sigridur Thorgeirsdottir

AbstractRecent discussions have connected Nietzsche’s philosophy of masculinity to the return of authoritarian politics. Neoconservative debates about masculinity, and right-wing extremism, explicitly refer back to Nietzsche’s philosophy and often present democratization, a feminization of society, and political correctness as responsible for a weakening of masculinity. One example for this reception of Nietzsche’s writings is Jordan Peterson’s psychological diagnosis of a presumed crisis of masculinity. This article undertakes a comparison of Nietzsche’s philosophy of masculinities with Peterson’s neo-Jungian psychology of masculinity in the context of recent conceptualizations of patriarchy, misogyny, and gendered forms of ressentiment. This comparison will highlight that Nietzsche’s conception of masculinity is more complex, and has philosophically more to offer, than neoconservative ideas about masculinity that onesidedly foreground male strength. Finally it will be pointed out how a Jungian analysis discloses aspects of the Dionysian that are of relevance to contemporary gender studies of Nietzsche’s philosophy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (11) ◽  
pp. 65
Author(s):  
Marcia Candido ◽  
Simone Gomes ◽  
Talita Tanscheit

This interview discusses the challenges to gender studies and feminist movements facing the radicalization of the right-wing in Latin America. To this purpose, it selects three interlocutors of academic legitimacy in the region: Flávia Biroli, Flávia Freidenberg e Verónica Gago. The conversation is structured around two central points: on the one hand, it debates the recent conservative reactions and public spaces changes resulting from women’s mobilization for rights and in defense of democracy; on the other hand, it confronts the definition that “gender studies” constitute a specific theme of Social Sciences, describing feminist perspectives as transformative biases that are essential to a broad understanding of political and social phenomena.


2021 ◽  
pp. 77-84
Author(s):  
Marion Näser-Lather

In Germany, knowledge production by gender researchers has been under attack not only from male rights activists, Christian fundamentalists and right-wing parties and movements, but also from scientists in various fi elds. Based on a discourse analysis of their publications (2009-2017) and a media reception analysis, this essay analyses arguments used by ‘gender’-critical scientists and the socio-political backgrounds to where they position themselves. I show that their arguments do not belong to scientifi c discourse, but can be interpreted as a form of science populism which lends ‘scientific’ authority to the formation of authoritarian, anti-feminist discourses that aims to reify ‘secure’ knowledge about ‘gender’. Accordingly, ‘gender-critical’ scientists are read mainly by non-scientific publics, including right-wing and Christian fundamentalist media and actors. As I will show, the phenomenon of scientists taking action against ‘gender’ can be situated in historical antifeminism, as well as contemporary discourses on the crisis-like character of the dynamics regarding gender knowledge and societal conditions.


2017 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jolanda Jetten ◽  
Rachel Ryan ◽  
Frank Mols

Abstract. What narrative is deemed most compelling to justify anti-immigrant sentiments when a country’s economy is not a cause for concern? We predicted that flourishing economies constrain the viability of realistic threat arguments. We found support for this prediction in an experiment in which participants were asked to take on the role of speechwriter for a leader with an anti-immigrant message (N = 75). As predicted, a greater percentage of realistic threat arguments and fewer symbolic threat arguments were generated in a condition in which the economy was expected to decline than when it was expected to grow or a baseline condition. Perhaps more interesting, in the economic growth condition, the percentage realistic entitlements and symbolic threat arguments generated were higher than when the economy was declining. We conclude that threat narratives to provide a legitimizing discourse for anti-immigrant sentiments are tailored to the economic context.


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