scholarly journals ‘I’m not Catholic and I’m not Protestant’: Identity, individualisation and challenges for history education in Northern Ireland

2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Abigail Branford

Teaching sensitive histories in post-conflict societies makes particular demands on educators to understand students’ identities and their relationships to the past. This paper expands our understanding of post-conflict youth identities and experiences of history education through a small-scale study of students’ life stories in Northern Ireland which defied sectarian boundaries in different ways: some were children of interfaith marriages, while others attended integrated schools or were part of cross-community peace-building organisations. Participants saw themselves as forging new identities and ‘moving on’ from the past, although this process was fraught with ambivalence. I describe these expressions of identity through Ulrich Beck’s (1992) model of triple individualisation. For these ‘post-sectarian’ students, school history was seen largely as a tool towards achieving qualification, far removed from their everyday struggles of self-fashioning.

Author(s):  
Audrey Horning

Drawing from efforts to engage archaeology as an integral part of peace-building in post-Troubles Northern Ireland, the risks and the rewards of collaborative cross-community practice are addressed. Focus is on the ethical challenges of negotiating the politics of the present while staying true to the evidence of the past. Positioning archaeology as a means of bridging the divisions in post-conflict settings toward the creation of a stable, shared society requires an ability to not only listen, but also to hear and respect the strength of personal and community narratives, even when those narratives may be founded on fundamental misrepresentations of the past.


2020 ◽  
pp. 175069802092145
Author(s):  
Joseph S Robinson

A large body of literature assumes post-conflict societies can and should mediate public memory towards frames conducive to a reconciled future. However, this article argues that such a drive marginalises survivors of political violence who narrate the past as still-present wounds. The linear temporality of transitional justice presumes an idealised trajectory through time, away from violence and towards reconciliation. However, this idealised temporality renders anachronistic survivors who depend on the prolongation of traumatic pasts for the possibility of political change. Using the case of former Ulster Defence Regiment in Northern Ireland, this article examines this prolongation through the lens of Ulster Defence Regiment survivors’ resistant place-memory along the Southwest run of the Irish border. Through the performative retemporalisation of everyday places and landscapes, survivors demand that their resistant memories and narrative frames of past violence still belong and still have active political resonance in transitional political space.


Legal Studies ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 305-325 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Doak ◽  
David O'Mahony

Restorative justice principles often feature prominently in peace agreements and initiatives to foster reconciliation and peace-building. As part of its own transitional process, Northern Ireland has undertaken a wide-ranging programme of criminal justice reform, whereby restorative practices have become a central response to juvenile offending. Drawing on a major evaluation of the Northern Ireland Youth Conferencing Scheme, this paper suggests that restorative conferencing holds the potential not only to promote reconciliation between victims and offenders, but it may even bolster the legitimacy deficit suffered by criminal justice institutions. Whilst is vital that such schemes continue to foster their engagement with civil society and the wider community, the broader potential of restorative processes to contribute to post-conflict peace-building is considerable, especially in relation to fostering a sense of legitimacy necessary for the operation of society and the institutions of the state.


2011 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marie-Soleil Frère

In the past ten years, elections were held in six countries of Central Africa experiencing “post-conflict” situations. The polls that took place in Burundi (2005), the Central African Republic (2005), the Democratic Republic of the Congo (2006), Congo-Brazzaville (2002, 2007), Chad (1996, 2001, 2006) and Rwanda (2003) were crucial for peace-building. In some cases, they were widely supported and supervised by the international community, being considered the last step of a peace process and the first step toward establishing a truly representative “post-conflict” regime. The media were expected to play a large part in supporting these elections, both to inform the citizens, so they could make an educated choice, and to supervise the way the electoral administration was organizing the polls. This paper attempts to show the many challenges faced by the media while covering these post-conflict electoral processes. In a context of great political tension, in which candidates are often former belligerents who have just put down their guns to go to the polls, the media operate in an unsafe and economically damaged environment, suffering from a lack of infrastructure, inadequate equipment and untrained staff. Given those constraints, one might wonder if the media should be considered actual democratic tools in Central Africa or just gimmicks in a “peace-building kit” (including “free and fair” elections, multipartism and freedom of the press) with no real impact on the democratic commitment of the elite or the political participation of the population.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Farmaki ◽  
Katerina Antoniou

Purpose This paper aims to extend understanding on how the tourist experience at dark heritage sites is directed and consequently influences the narratives of cultural heritage. By discussing the way dark heritage sites are projected by suppliers, the paper anticipates to advance knowledge on the nexus between dark tourism and heritage and to offer insights into the management of dissonant heritage sites. Design/methodology/approach The cases of two opposing national museums in the divided island of Cyprus are presented and discussed in an attempt to illustrate how dissonant heritage interpretation in a post-conflict context is often the product of political direction, commemorating the past and to a great extent influencing the future of a society. Findings National struggle museums represent dark heritage sites, which evoke emotions pertinent to ethnic identity reinforcement. Evidently, the management of such sites is in opposition to peace-building efforts taking place in a post-conflict context. The paper concludes that visitation to dark heritage sites is culturally driven rather than death-related and suggests that efforts consolidate to target specific segments of visitors, if the reconciliation potential of dark tourism is to be unleashed. Originality/value Insofar, minimal attention has been paid on the conditions of the supply of dark heritage sites and the role of suppliers in influencing culture-based issues including collective memory and national identity. This paper addresses this gap in literature and advances understanding on the developmental elements defining dark heritage tourism, by identifying and discussing trajectories between dark tourism and politics.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karel Van Nieuwenhuyse

Torn between patriotic, civic and disciplinary aspirations. Evolving faces of Belgian and Flemish history education, from 1830 to the futureHistory education worldwide faces competing, rival visions and even contrasting expectations. Those expectations can be clustered in three main groups, each pursuing a different main goal for and a different approach towards studying the past: ‘nation-building and social cohesion’, ‘democratic participation and civic behavior’, and ‘disciplinary understanding’. This contribution examines how secondary school history education in Belgium (since its establishment in 1830) has been given shape, and how its main goals have evolved. Belgium (and later on Flanders) serves as an interesting case study, as the country testifies to a difficult, contested past, has evolved into a nation-state in decline, and is increasingly characterized by intercontinental immigration. Using the three clusters of rival expectations as an analytical framework, it is analyzed what the consecutive main goals for the school subject of history have been, which changes occurred throughout the past two centuries and why, and what have been the effects of these different types of history education on young people. The analysis allows to discern three main stages in the history of history education in Belgium/Flanders. For all three, the main goals are explained, and their effects examined. This contribution concludes with critically discussing the different aims, and, while reporting on the current reform of the school subject of history in Flanders, setting a fourth aim to the fore. Rozziew pomiędzy aspiracjami patriotycznymi, obywatelskimi i zrozumieniem dyscypliny. Ewolucja oblicza nauczania historii w szkołach Belgii i Flandrii od 1830 roku i jego przyszłośćNa całym świecie nauczanie historii napotyka konkurujące i rywalizujące ze sobą wyobrażenia, a nawet rodzi sprzeczne oczekiwania. Oczekiwania owe można ująć w trzy kompleksy zasadniczych zagadnień, przy czym każdy z nich ma inny główny cel studiowania przeszłości i inaczej do niego podchodzi; są to: „budowanie narodu i spójność społeczna”, „demokratyczna partycypacja i postawy obywatelskie” oraz „rozumienie dyscypliny”. Artykuł omawia, w jaki sposób kształtowało się nauczanie historii w szkołach średnich w Belgii (od jej powstania w 1830 roku) i jak ewoluowały jego główne cele. Belgia (a później Flandria) służy jako interesujący przypadek badawczy, gdyż kraj ten doświadczył trudnej, kontestowanej przeszłości, stał się państwem jednonarodowym w upadku i coraz bardziej właściwa mu jest międzykontynentalna imigracja. Wykorzystując wspomniane wyżej trzy kompleksy złożonych oczekiwań jako analityczne ramy badawcze, autor analizuje najistotniejsze zadania, które stoją przed przedmiotem szkolnym historia, następnie omawia zmiany, które zaszły w tym zakresie w minionych dwóch stuleciach i wyjaśnia ich przyczyny, a wreszcie docieka, jaki wpływ odmienne rodzaje nauczania historii wywarły na młodych ludzi. Analiza pozwala wyróżnić trzy zasadnicze etapy w dziejach nauczania historii w Belgii / Flandrii. Autor objaśnia, jakie główne cele stały przed wszystkimi trzema grupami i jakie przyniosły efekty. Artykuł zamyka krytyczna ocena omawianych celów oraz przedstawienie aktualnie mającej miejsce reformy przedmiotu szkolnego historia we Flandrii, a na końcu wskazanie czwartego celu: edukacji na przyszłość. [Trans. by Jacek Serwański]


2010 ◽  
Vol 112 (1) ◽  
pp. 142-181
Author(s):  
Keith C. Barton ◽  
Alan W. Mccully

Background Research on historical understanding has sometimes depicted adolescents and adults as either appropriating or resisting particular narrative accounts, and resistance seems to be especially common when school-based narratives differ from those encountered outside school. In Northern Ireland, however, school history does not present an alternative narrative to community-based histories, but takes a different approach altogether; school history represents an evidence-based, analytic subject that emphasizes multiple perspectives and avoids connections to contemporary identifications or political positions. Purpose In this study, we sought to understand both how young people in Northern Ireland approached historical information in school and how they made sense of conflicting perspectives on the past. Research Design and Participants Using qualitative, task-based interviews, we interviewed 253 secondary students, approximately equal numbers of whom had completed each of the 3 required years of historical study; these interviews included students of both genders and from differing school types in a variety of regions within Northern Ireland. Findings We found that these students had experienced history in more complicated ways than has been evident in most previous research. They had learned about the past in a variety of formal and informal settings, and they navigated among these multiple sources in a conscious attempt to refine and extend their historical understanding as they followed up on interests initiated in one setting by seeking out information elsewhere. Although some students simply assimilated this information into dominant community narratives, most were aware that such narratives can be used for contemporary political purposes, and they appreciated that school history encouraged a more complete and balanced historical perspective, particularly by exposing them to the motivations and experiences of the other community. Even as they sought expanded historical viewpoints, however, they were unwilling to abandon the political commitments of their communities, and they sought greater contemporary relevance for history than they were likely to encounter in school. Conclusions These students thus were not simply appropriating or resisting particular historical narratives; they were engaged in a more complex process that involved developing internally persuasive discourse as they drew from multiple historical discourses in an attempt to form their own point of view on the region's troubled past. Implications This research suggests that students in Northern Ireland and elsewhere might benefit from a curriculum that attends more directly to their active construction of historical meaning and supports them in constructing critical perspectives on the contemporary relevance of the past.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document