IV. Colonial Rule and Political Independence, 1900–1957

2020 ◽  
pp. 215-306
2008 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 454-485 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hennie Kotzé ◽  
Carlos García-Rivero

The existence of a healthy, respected and respectful opposition is a common feature of democratic politics. For a democracy to function properly, it needs an opposition to provide political contestation and electoral competition, thus limiting the power of the ruling party. In other words: no opposition – no democracy.In this regard, Africa has a poor track record. During the 1950s and 1960s, euphoria swelled throughout the continent following political independence from colonial rule. These new African democracies, however, rapidly began succumbing to authoritarianism. Political repression, single-party states and military rule flourished, causing authoritarian forms of government to become the norm throughout the continent. Opposition parties were, and in many countries still are, severely restricted and have generally had little chance to be heard. This is especially so in the many single-party states, characterized by a lack of democratic experience and culture, which became prevalent in post-independence Africa.


1978 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-215 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Brown

Beginning in the late 1880s King Chulalongkorn of Siam embarked on a radical reform of the structure of his administration. The existing organization of ministries, which had had its origin in the mid-fifteenth century, was abolished and replaced by a western-style governmental structure in which each ministry had clearly-defined functional responsibilities. In addition an attempt was made to introduce western administrative, accounting, audit and correspondence procedures into the operations of the Siamese bureaucracy. At the same time the Government undertook a number of major public works projects, most notably the construction of railways linking Bangkok with the most distant provinces of the Kingdom. The essential objective of these reforms was to ensure a more effective and efficient administration of the whole Kingdom by the authorities in Bangkok. In turn this was regarded as essential if Siam were to maintain her political independence in a period when all her neighbours had fallen under European colonial rule.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 319-335
Author(s):  
Sergey B. Chebanenko ◽  

The question of the fate of the “Benin bronze” is part of a more general problem of the restitution of African art pieces exported from the continent, during the period of European colonial rule. The difference between the history of the looting of the monuments of the Benin Kingdom (the territory of modern Nigeria) by British troops from many other examples of the removal of original African heritage, is in the fact, that in this case there was a robbery committed as a result of a military conflict, both sides of which were politically independent. The political independence of each party, strictly speaking, does not allow for the situation to be considered in the system of relations “metropolis — colony”. Modern owners of Benin monuments, spread across a number of museums and other collections in the world, recognize the injustice of their acquisitions, but they do not always recognize the possibility and necessity of restitution of these artifacts. This is facilitated by the complexity of the history of objects after their exportation from Africa and the absence of, in most cases, legal grounds for their direct return. Recently, the situation has changed significantly, making it possible to transfer a vast portion of art pieces, originating from Benin, on the basis of not so much the letter of the law, but on the desire to restore justice.


1978 ◽  
Vol 17 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 639-653 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anirudha Gupta

During the years immediately following the Second World War, India's prestige rose high in colonial Africa—and for several reasons. Among the dependent countries of Asia and Africa, India alone had an unusually long and unbroken record of resistance to colonial rule. This record earned greater respectability as India approached the threshold of political independence. Success more than any other element in the Gandhian technique of mass movement impressed colonial peoples all over the world. Among the African nationalists, the Indian National Congress became the model for waging successful mass struggle. In many cases they even adopted the nomenclature “Congress” to identify their respective parties.1 References to Mahatma Gandhi and his satyagraha became usual with the African nationalist leaders. Wrote Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana: “After months of studying Gandhi's policy and watching the effect it had, I began to see that, when backed by a strong political organization, it could be the solution to the colonial problem.”2 Other leaders in other territories expressed similar views, and indeed it appeared for a time that the Gandhian model would become an inseparable part of the African nationalist heritage.


2020 ◽  
pp. 225-251
Author(s):  
Ernest Ming-Tak Leung

This article explores a commonly ignored aspect of Japan–North Korean relations: the Japanese factor in the making of Korean socialism. Korea was indirectly influenced by the Japanese Jiyuminken Movement, in the 1910s–1920s serving as a stepping-stone for the creation of a Japanese Communist Party. Wartime mobilization policies under Japanese rule were continued and expanded beyond the colonial era. The Juche ideology built on tendencies first exhibited in the 1942 Overcoming Modernity Conference in Japan, and in the 1970s some Japanese leftists viewed Juche as a humanist Marxism. Trade between Japan and North Korea expanded from 1961 onwards, culminating in North Korea’s default in 1976, from which point on relations soured between the two countries. Yet leaders with direct experience of colonial rule governed North Korea through to the late 1990s.


Author(s):  
Anthony Gorman

This chapter traces the development of the radical secular press in Egypt from its first brief emergence in the 1870s until the outbreak of World War I. First active in the 1860s, the anarchist movement gradually expanded its membership and influence over subsequent decades to articulate a general social emancipation and syndicalism for all workers in the country. In the decade and a half before 1914, its press collectively propagated a critique of state power and capitalism, called for social justice and the organisation of labour, and promoted the values of science and public education in both a local context and as part of an international movement. In seeking to promote a programme at odds with both nationalism and colonial rule, it incurred the hostility of the authorities in addition to facing the practical problems of managing and financing an oppositional newspaper.


Author(s):  
Mary Youssef

This book examines questions of identity, nationalism, and marginalization in the contemporary Egyptian novel from a postcolonial lens. Under colonial rule, the Egyptian novel invoked a sovereign nation-state by basking in its perceived unity. After independence, the novel professed disenchantment with state practices and unequal class and gender relations, without disrupting the nation’s imagined racial and ethno-religious homogeneity. This book identifies a trend in the twenty-first-century Egyptian novel that shatters this singular view, with the rise of a new consciousness that presents Egypt as fundamentally heterogeneous. Through a robust analysis of “new-consciousness” novels by authors like Idris ᶜAli, Bahaᵓ Tahir, Miral al-Tahawi, and Yusuf Zaydan, the author argues that this new consciousness does not only respond to predominant discourses of difference and practices of differentiation along the axes of race, ethno-religion, class, and gender by bringing the experiences of Nubian, Amazigh, Bedouin, Coptic, Jewish, and women minorities to the fore of Egypt’s literary imaginary, but also heralds the cacophony of voices that collectively cried for social justice from Tahrir Square in Egypt’s 2011-uprising. This study responds to the changing iconographic, semiotic, and formal features of the Egyptian novel. It fulfills the critical task of identifying an emergent novelistic genre and develops historically reflexive methodologies that interpret new-consciousness novels and their mediatory role in formalizing and articulating their historical moment. By adopting this context-specific approach to studying novelistic evolution, this book locates some of the strands that have been missing from the complex whole of Egypt’s culture and literary history.


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