Chapter 9. Ethnic Minorities and the Construction of National Identity Ethnographic Museums

2017 ◽  
pp. 199-213
2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (5) ◽  
pp. 694-712 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tornike Metreveli

Since the Rose Revolution (2003), Georgia has encountered an unprecedented scale of institutional reforms concomitant with the rise of American and European involvement in the “democratization” process. Various scholars have suggested that Georgian nationalism developed from an ethno-cultural basis to a more civic/liberal orientation after the Rose Revolution. This paper analyzes Georgian nationalism under President Mikheil Saakashvili to demonstrate the significant divergence between political rhetoric on national identity, the selection of symbols, and state policy toward the Georgian Orthodox Church versus state policy toward ethnic minorities. The aim of this article is to examine the at times conflicting conceptions of national identity as reflected in the public policies of Saakashvili's government since the Rose Revolution. It attempts to problematize the typologies of nationalism when applied to the Georgian context and suggests conceptualizing the state-driven nationalism of the post-Rose Revolution government as “hybrid nationalism” as opposed to civic or ethno-cultural.


Author(s):  
К.А. Зверев

В статье рассматривается процесс складывания коллективной идентичности населения независимой Литвы в период 1990–2010-х гг. во взаимосвязи с местной политикой памяти. В момент обретения самостоятельности, в 1991 г., Литва являлась полиэтничным государством, где наряду с литовцами, составлявшими до 79% населения, проживали русскоязычные и поляки. В результате, местные власти столкнулись с необходимостью конструирования не только собственного политического механизма, вертикали власти, но и коллективной национальной идентичности, способной стать скрепляющим звеном нарождающейся государственности. Значительную роль в достижении данной цели сыграла литовская историческая политика, направленная не только на представителей титульного населения, но и на местные национальные меньшинства. В данной статье мы делаем попытку проследить особенности складывания коллективной идентичности, общественно-политического поведения литовцев, русскоязычных и поляков через исторические воззрения данных групп, а также степень восприимчивости населения Республики к государственной исторической парадигме. The article examines the collective identity of the population of independent Lithuania during the 1990s - 2010s in conjunction with local memory politics. At the time of gaining independence in 1991, Lithuania was a multinational state. Along with the Lithuanians, who constituted up to 79% of the population, it also had Russian-speaking and Polish residents. As a result, the local authorities faced the need to construct not only their own political mechanism but also a collective national identity capable of binding the emerging statehood. A significant role in achieving this goal was played by the Lithuanian historical policy, aimed not only at the ethnic Lithuanians but also at local ethnic minorities. In this article, we attempt to trace the formation of collective identity, the socio-political behavior of Lithuanians, Russian-speakers, and Poles through the historical views of these groups and the degree of susceptibility of the population of the Republic to the state historical paradigm.


2011 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-35
Author(s):  
Marin Constantin

AbstractThis article is concerned with the social, economic, and cultural process of the folk artisanship among the ethnic minorities of Hungarians, Turks, and Croatians in contemporary Romania. Ethnographic information is provided on the peasant artisans' professional framework (private workshops), as well as on their crafts development under socialism and in times of market economy in Romania. Similarly considered are the craft traditions, the folk arts, and the ethnic representativeness of artisanship. Relevant categories of analysis are also paternity in crafts and the relationships that the craftsmen engage with the ethnographic museums and the national centers for the conservation of folk culture. Description and interpretation in this text contribute to the understanding of artisanship as complex and dynamic pattern of civilization among the minority ethnic groups in Romania.


2019 ◽  
pp. 43-68
Author(s):  
Erin M. Kamler

This chapter provides a context for understanding the problem of trafficking in Thailand by first introducing two fundamental national identity projects—what I call “Thailand’s National Identity Project” and the “U.S. Abolitionist Project.” I show how together, these projects inform the anti-trafficking movement’s response to the constructed idea (i.e., the artificially manufactured notion put in place to deal with a whole complex of other problems) of trafficking, teasing apart how this response acts as a remedy for the deeper cultural, political and economic crisis’ affecting both Thailand and the U.S. Discussing the history of ethnic minorities in Thailand, Burma’s long-running ethnic civil wars, the feminization of migration, neoliberalism, and the historical roots of abolitionism, I show how the U.S. and Thai national identity projects and the narratives they bring about impact all actors in the trafficking arena—but most significantly the female migrant laborers who are caught in their crossfires.


2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jolien Galle ◽  
Fenella Fleischmann

According to liberal nationalists, sharing a national identity offers a solution to the growing concern that increasing diversity within Western societies might erode solidarity. Based on the national identity framework, a positive relation between peoples’ support for redistribution and their national identification is expected. Partially confirmed among majority group members, the aim of this study is to broaden the perspective and investigate the redistributive attitudes of people with a migration background. Since the social identification of people with a migration background is more complex and tends to be based on belonging to both the nation of residence and a specific ethnic group, we additionally consider the role of ethnic identification. We perform multivariate analyses on data from the Belgian Ethnic Minorities Election Study 2014 (BEMES), a survey conducted among Belgians of Turkish and Moroccan descent. The results confirm our hypothesis about the positive role of national identification. Ethnic identification, on the contrary, is negatively related to support for redistribution and particularly the combination of a low attachment to the country of residence and strong attachment to the country of origin is associated with lower levels of support for redistribution.


2012 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-353 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marc Bühlmann ◽  
Miriam Hänni

Abstract In this contribution, we investigate the impact of different institutions on ethnic minorities’ political support. Based on a hierarchical cross-country comparison, we first show that individuals belonging to ethnic minorities have less national identity than the majority groups within the same country. We then test whether this negative effect of belonging to ethnic minorities can be attenuated by institutions. First, we argue that the inclusion of ethnic minorities by power-sharing institutions gives them the possibility to have a say in politics and, therefore, they develop a sense of common identity. Second, when minority groups are given the autonomy to preserve their group identity, e.g., in federal units, they develop positive feelings for the whole nation and finally a national identity. Our multilevel analyses show that autonomy indeed attenuates the negative effect of minority status on national pride, but that this is not the case for inclusive institutions. In light of increasing heterogeneisation of societies because of migration and denationalization, our findings contribute to the discussion on the relationship between growing ethnic pluralism and good functioning of democratic regimes.


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