CHAPTER FOUR. Nixon’s Family Assistance Plan Stalls

2011 ◽  
pp. 120-156
Keyword(s):  
1995 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
A.J. Cataldo

The Revenue Reconciliation Act of 1993 (RRA93) significantly expanded the earned income credit (EIC), which was changed to include low-income taxpayers without dependents. Evolving, most directly, from the “workfare” plan (1972) proposed by Senate Finance Committee Chairman, Russel B. Long, and in response to President Nixon's Family Assistance Program (FAP), the post-1974 EIC was not the first of its kind. It had two predecessors. The EIC of 1923 through 1931 benefitted taxpayers with or without dependents and excluded any “workfare” feature. A second EIC, in name only, was in effect for the 1934 through 1943 tax years. This paper develops a historical framework for study of the post-1974 EIC. This framework necessarily precedes any investigation of contemporary issues relating to the twenty-year history of the post-1974 EIC which, unlike its first predecessor, appears destined to continue as a permanent, expanding mechanism for the delivery of basic subsistence to the “working poor.” The resolution of these contemporary issues will determine whether the post-1974 EIC is destined to replace or continue to co-exist with a (presumably) more costly welfare delivery system.


Author(s):  
Chad D. Jensen ◽  
Amy F. Sato ◽  
Elissa Jelalian ◽  
Elizabeth R. Pulgaron ◽  
Alan M. Delamater ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  

2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 371-384
Author(s):  
Ilona Tamutienė ◽  
Vaida Auglytė

This article focuses on institutional risk factors that relate to the ability of child rights professionals to protect maltreated children. The aim of the article is to reveal the structural threats existing in the system of protection of the child’s rights, which create preconditions for the disclosure of institutional risks. Semi-structured qualitative interview method used. Ten interviews with children's rights protection specialists (CRPS) conducted during March-April 2018. According to the content analysis method, it has been established that the family assistance model for child protection is declarative in nature, due to the lack of services that meet the needs of children and families, and poor accessibility and quality, especially in rural areas, and social work orientation into control. The findings highlighted gaps in inter-agency cooperation in the protection of the child, the low level of involvement of health care, in particular – the treatment of paediatric and addictive diseases. In view of the internal field of the childʼs rights services, it has been highlighted that institutional problems are significantly contributing to the institutional risk: CRPS experienced inadequate methodological assistance and training which not corresponding to the problems encountering in everyday practice, lack of human resources, large workloads, low wages, lack of working methods, lack of stress management. In the context of the ongoing reform of the protection of the rights of the child, it is recommended to eliminate institutional risks, to strengthen services for children and families, and to improve inter-agency cooperation in the protection of the child.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.ppaa.17.3.21953


Author(s):  
Juil Rie ◽  
Younwook Kang ◽  
Jihyun Kim ◽  
Kyung Ryu

This study has two purposes. One is to identify generation differences in importance perception of productive ageing. Second is to find relationship between productive ageing and successful ageing. First, we developed 20 items to measure productive activities based on Caro, Bass, & Chen (1993)'s definition. Our items were divided into 4 factors; to do activities for life goals, to do activities for self career development, to do activities for family assistance, and to do volunteering activities. In our research, we found generation differences in importance perception of productive activities for successful ageing. In comparison with the elderly, younger people considered it more important to do activities for life goals, career development, and volunteering in their old age. Productive ageing scale of 20 items newly developed for this study was divided into 4 factors in our confirmatory factor analysis, and the reliability of 4 sub-scales was good. The importance perception of productive ageing was significantly related with subjective wellbeing and life meaning. Even after controlling personality such as extroversions, conscientiousness, and openness, it explained significantly subjective wellbeing and life meaning. Lastly, working elderly and non-working elderly were different in meaning perception about productive ageing. Working elderly considered it important to do activities for life goals.


2021 ◽  
pp. 113-132
Author(s):  
Charles Devellennes

This chapter provides a reflection on the new social contract, taking Diderot as dialectician of change, and offer ways to think about the future of the tradition. It shows that such a model is possible. A new social contract will take into account the need for liberty, democracy and economic justice. Most working class people have finished high school and been awarded a Baccalauréat, and many are home-owners of one of the millions of bungalows built throughout peripheral France. Yet their ability to secure economic independence, a promise of the Enlightenment, has not materialized. Many are worse off than their parents, and those without family assistance are extremely exposed to the ebb and flow of macro-economic trends such as global slowdown and recession. A social contract of the future has to address these needs that were posited as the sine qua non condition for social advancement more than two centuries ago. The revolt of the gilets jaunes against rent-seeking economic actors, such as landlords, motorway management companies, insurance and mortgage companies, and utilities, is testament to the economic plight that needs redressing. Although the gilets jaunes have failed to organize themselves politically in the traditional sense, they have provided one of the strongest political challenges to the very existence of the French state as it currently stands. It is this new form of politics, which does not go through political parties but demands social and economic justice directly, that is at the centre of the new social contract they demand.


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