Chapter 9: War Powers—Relations between Civil Authorities and the Military

Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Katja S. Ziegler

Accountability for decisions to go to war has evolved in particular since the 2003 Iraq War, both in a democratic dimension, involving parliaments in deployment decisions, and in a rule of law dimension, enforced by courts. Both forms of accountability lead to a rebalancing of the powers of the executive and the other two branches of government. This chapter considers the evolution of democratic accountability in the United Kingdom, i.e. the competence of Parliament to debate and vote on the government’s decision to deploy the military. The chapter outlines the emergence of a constitutional convention requiring prior parliamentary approval for uses of military force, considering the practice in relation to recent military deployments, e.g. in Syria and Iraq. In this context, different regulatory approaches to military deployments and reform proposals are discussed. The chapter then discusses some uncertainties about the rules of the constitutional convention, such as the threshold of the approval requirement and its exceptions. Finally, the chapter reflects on the U.K. practice from a comparative perspective of the implementation of democratic accountability in Germany. The chapter critically reflects on the lack of formality and malleability of the constitutional convention, resulting in an executive bias, and the obstacles to formalizing the constitutional convention. One particular concern with formalization is the courts’ potential role in reviewing executive war powers and the substantive legality of a military deployment. It is argued from a comparative perspective that some concerns about a further formalization of the constitutional convention may be overstated.


2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wolfgang Wagner

This article studies the effect of parliamentary involvement on security policy. Building on Democratic Peace Theory, it examines whether democracies with a parliamentary veto power are indeed less likely to participate in military interventions, than democracies without such a veto power, ceteris paribus. By studying patterns of participation across 25 to 35 countries in five military missions, this paper finds modest evidence for such a parliamentary peace and suggests that it depends on the character of the military mission in question. If a mission is framed as a test case of alliance solidarity, as was the case with OEF and the Iraq War, domestic institutional constraints can be trumped by alliance politics. If, however, countries enjoy more discretion in deciding on the use of force, domestic constraints such as parliamentary war powers have a tangible impact on government policy.


2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Douglas L Kriner

US presidents have routinely ordered the use of force without seeking prior authorisation from Congress. However, this practice does not mean that the legislature is irrelevant, as Congress often influences decisions by exercising informal political levers. One of the most important is through Congress’ ability to affect popular support for the commander-in-chief. Through a pair of experiments embedded on nationally representative opinion surveys, this article evaluates whether Congress’ constitutional prerogatives in war powers remain relevant when battling the president in the public sphere. Policy criticism significantly decreased support for the use of force, as did challenges to administration actions on constitutional grounds. Although Congress routinely fails to use the constitutional tools at its disposal to check the commander-in-chief, these powers bolster Congress’ capacity to influence public opinion. Hence, while presidents enjoy considerable leeway in the military arena, Congress’ capacity to erode public support can serve as a check on presidential power.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.


1978 ◽  
Vol 114 (2) ◽  
pp. 289c-289
Author(s):  
R. L. Garcia
Keyword(s):  

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sigrid Redse Johansen
Keyword(s):  

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