The internal structure of AgrS and subject clitics in the Northern Italian dialects

Eurotyp ◽  
1999 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cecilia Poletto
Keyword(s):  
Internal Structure ◽  
Subject Clitics ◽  
Italian Dialects

“Subject” clitics and particles in Provençal

Probus ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-215
Author(s):  
Paola Benincà
Keyword(s):  
Left Periphery ◽  
Peculiar Behaviour ◽  
Subject Clitics ◽  
Interrogative Clauses ◽  
Italian Dialects ◽  
Theoretical Side

Abstract Several Occitan dialects spoken in Western Piedmont exhibit no 1sg subject clitic form (a situation widely attested in Northern Italian dialects), although interrogative clauses with a 1sg subject feature an enclitic particle ke, identical to the complementiser. Many attempts have been made to interpret this ke as a reflex of Lat. E(G)O ‘I’ or originating from the reanalysis of the analogical -k displayed by verbs such as dik ‘I say’. Rather, I claim that ke is what it seems, namely the complementiser, and entertain the hypothesis that in these varieties the complementiser ended up satisfying EPP-like features. To support this analysis, I examine data from a wider area including Provençal, Gascon and Ibero-Romance dialects in which the complementiser is used as a proclitic particle in assertive clauses (Etxepare 2010 a.o.). On the theoretical side, I submit the hypothesis that the peculiar behaviour of the complementiser ke in that area has to do with the checking of a ‘speaker’ feature in the left periphery of the clause.

Prepositional “where” in Southern Italian Dialects

2020 ◽  
pp. 114-132
Author(s):  
Nicola Munaro ◽  
Cecilia Poletto
Keyword(s):  
Internal Structure ◽  
Relative Clause ◽  
Small Clause ◽  
Structural Configuration ◽  
Recent Proposal ◽  
Italian Dialects

This chapter investigates a phenomenon attested in some Southern Italian varieties, where a form identical to the wh-item meaning “where” can be used as a locative preposition. Since most of the dialects considered here only use P-where in cases of quasi-inalienable locative possession, this chapter adopts the recent proposal that the structural configuration of inalienable possession is to be interpreted as a RelatorP whose predicative head functions as the relator between the possessor, located in the specifier position, and the possessee, that is, the locative noun, sitting in the complement position. It also proposes that P-where exploits a sort of reduced relative in which the null classifier-like element PLACE located in the internal structure of the wh-item undergoes raising to the highest functional specifier; the reduced relative clause is taken to occupy the specifier of a bigger small clause, whose complement is represented by the RelatorP containing the actual lexical nouns.

Strong and clitic pronouns in monolingual and bilingual acquisition of French and Italian

2008 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
KATRIN SCHMITZ ◽  
NATASCHA MÜLLER
Keyword(s):  
Internal Structure ◽  
Present Article ◽  
Subject Pronouns ◽  
Object Clitics ◽  
Subject And Object ◽  
Subject Clitics ◽  
Categorial Status ◽  
Italian Children ◽  
Internal Syntax ◽  
Object Pronouns

The present article investigates the acquisition of the pronominal systems by French and Italian monolingual children and by bilingual German–French and German–Italian children, demonstrating a stable asymmetry: object and reflexive clitics are acquired later than nominative clitics and strong subject and object pronouns. We will widen the scope of former investigations to include the acquisition of strong pronouns and argue that the observed asymmetry can be accounted for if we combine the external (categorial status) and internal syntax of pronouns (internal structure). In particular, we argue for the relevance of the absence/presence of a nominal layer (N-layer) in the internal structure of a pronoun. This approach can account for the observation that pronouns containing an N-layer, i.e., strong subject pronouns, subject clitics and strong object pronouns, are acquired simultaneously and earlier than pronouns which lack the N-layer, i.e., object clitics and reflexive clitics.

The Phonology and Syntax of Preverbal and Postverbal Subject Clitics in Northern Italian Dialects

2008 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 523-563 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Cardinaletti ◽  
Lori Repetti
Keyword(s):  
Final Position ◽  
Null Subjects ◽  
Verb Movement ◽  
Phonological Constraints ◽  
Subject Clitics ◽  
Lexical Items ◽  
Italian Dialects

We argue that preverbal and postverbal subject clitics in northern Italian dialects are the same lexical items. The different forms of proclitics and enclitics can be explained phonologically (i.e., by phonological constraints ranked in a particular order) and by the hypothesis that morphologically neutral vowels may be inserted in final position (what we call morphological epenthesis). The distributional differences in the paradigm derive from a competition between overt clitics and null subjects that is resolved in an intricate way across sentence types and across dialects and that depends on the interaction of clitic and verb movement and on Minimize Structure.

Subject clitics and clitic recycling: locative sentences in some Iberian Romance languages

1998 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
VÍCTOR M. LONGA ◽  
GUILLERMO LORENZO ◽  
GEMMA RIGAU
Keyword(s):  
Romance Languages ◽  
Lexical Structure ◽  
Subject Clitics ◽  
Italian Dialects ◽  
Spanish Dialects

The first concern of this article is an analysis of locative sentences in the Iberian Romances. It is argued that both the existential (〈HAVE〉) and the stative (〈BE〉) construction derive from a single abstract verb. Their differences are based in the presence vs. the absence of an incorporation process over an otherwise identical lexical structure. The second topic of the paper is a study of the behavior of pronominal clitics within these sentences. It is observed that while Catalan has a rich paradigm of clitics (accusative, dative, locative, partitive), languages like Asturian, Galician and certain Spanish dialects resort to a ‘recycling’ strategy in order to palliate the deficiencies of their clitic paradigms. In this respect, we will show how accusative clitics are used as partitive, locative, and even subject clitics. We also propose some of the principles which constrain the application of this strategy. Finally, an Appendix is devoted to certain uses of the accusative clitics as modal markers, also within locative sentences. These uses are closely related with the behavior of certain clitics in Northern Italian dialects.

X-ray microtomography

1988 ◽  
Vol 46 ◽  
pp. 998-999
Author(s):  
H.W. Deckman ◽  
B.F. Flannery ◽  
J.H. Dunsmuir ◽  
K.D' Amico
Keyword(s):  
Computed Tomography ◽  
Internal Structure ◽  
Imaging Technique ◽  
Three Dimensional ◽  
Tissue Structure ◽  
Individual Element ◽  
X Ray ◽  
Non Invasive ◽  
Panoramic Imaging ◽  
Three Dimensional Images

We have developed a new X-ray microscope which produces complete three dimensional images of samples. The microscope operates by performing X-ray tomography with unprecedented resolution. Tomography is a non-invasive imaging technique that creates maps of the internal structure of samples from measurement of the attenuation of penetrating radiation. As conventionally practiced in medical Computed Tomography (CT), radiologists produce maps of bone and tissue structure in several planar sections that reveal features with 1mm resolution and 1% contrast. Microtomography extends the capability of CT in several ways. First, the resolution which approaches one micron, is one thousand times higher than that of the medical CT. Second, our approach acquires and analyses the data in a panoramic imaging format that directly produces three-dimensional maps in a series of contiguous stacked planes. Typical maps available today consist of three hundred planar sections each containing 512x512 pixels. Finally, and perhaps of most import scientifically, microtomography using a synchrotron X-ray source, allows us to generate maps of individual element.

The internal structure of medullated wool

1984 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 388-389
Author(s):  
Leo Barish
Keyword(s):  
Light Microscopy ◽  
Internal Structure ◽  
Wool Fiber ◽  
Guard Hair ◽  
Bright Field ◽  
Wool Fibers ◽  
Thin Skin ◽  
Air Pockets

Although most of the wool used today consists of fine, unmedullated down-type fibers, a great deal of coarse wool is used for carpets, tweeds, industrial fabrics, etc. Besides the obvious diameter difference, coarse wool fibers are often medullated.Medullation may be easily observed using bright field light microscopy. Fig. 1A shows a typical fine diameter nonmedullated wool fiber, Fig. IB illustrates a coarse fiber with a large medulla. The opacity of the medulla is due to the inability of the mounting media to penetrate to the center of the fiber leaving air pockets. Fig. 1C shows an even thicker fiber with a very large medulla and with very thin skin. This type of wool is called “Kemp”, is shed annually or more often, and corresponds to guard hair in fur-bearing animals.

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