Deverbal compounds and the external argument

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna-Maria Di Sciullo
Keyword(s):  
External Argument

Stative Morpheme In Shimakonde, An Anticausative Morpheme?

2017 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 343-376
Author(s):  
Ronaldo Rodrigues De Paula
Keyword(s):  
External Argument ◽  
Bantu Language ◽  
Northern Regions ◽  
Do So

Tis paper aims to describe the syntax of the constructions that present the verbal extensions {-ik-} and {-uk-} and their allomorphs in Shimakonde, a Bantu language classifed as P23 in the Guthrie classifcation (GUTHRIE 1967-71). Tis language is spoken in the northern regions of Mozambique and Tanzania. Tese verbal extensions are reported in literature under the labels of stative, impositive, pseudo-passive, neuter, and quasi-passive (DOKE, 1947; SATYO, 1985; MCHOMBO, 1993; DUBINSKY SIMANGO, 1996; BENTLEY KULEMEKA, 2001; LIPHOLA, 2001; NGUNGA, 2004; KHUMALO, 2009; LEACH, 2010; LANGA, 2013). Te addition of the {-ik-} or {-uk-} morphemes to the verb structure usually demotes or suppresses the external argument, turning a basically transitive predicate into an intransitive one. Tis paper aims to investigate in Shimakonde if alternations from a dyadic to a monadic predicate, through the use of one of the aforementioned morphemes, are instances of the phenomenon known in literature as causative/ anticausative alternation (HASPELMATH, 1987, 1993; LEVIN RAPPAPORT HOVAV, 1992, 1995; NAVES, 1998, 2005; VAN HOUT, 2004; OLIVEIRA, 2011; KALLULLI, 2007). In order to do so, I analyze the grammatical role of this morpheme with two Shimakonde native consultants from different Mozambique districts (Mocimboa da Praia and Montepuez). Te feldwork activities consisted of translations of sentences from Portuguese to Shimakonde, testing the grammaticality of the proposed sentences. In order to examine the data that were collected, I adopted the Alexiadou, Anagnostopoulou and Schäfer (2006) refnement of the verbal categories by Levin Rappaport Hovav (1992, 1995). One of the results obtained is that the verbal extensions display an atelic reading (giving rise to stative interpretation) or a telic reading (giving rise to anticausative or passive interpretation). To account for the different interpretations in these constructions, I propose distinct associations between Asp head and Voice head in accordance with Kratzer (1996), Pylkkänen (2002), van Hout (2004), and Oliveira (2010).

The “bundling” hypothesis and the disparate functions of little v

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Heidi Harley
Keyword(s):  
External Argument ◽  
Event Argument ◽  
Accusative Case ◽  
Form Part ◽  
Korean And English

Following Pylkkänen (2002), among others, many of the functions of the vP have been distributed between two independent projections: VoiceP and vP. Pylkkänen proposed a “bundling” parameter: some languages project a single bundled Voice/vP, and all functions depend on that single projection, and others project VoiceP and vP separately, and functions are distributed. The chapter first reviews the roles ascribed to these projections: (i) external argument introduction, (ii) event argument introduction, (iii) accusative case checking, (iv) introduction of causative or inchoative semantics, (v) verbalizing of nonverbal material, and (vi) demarcating a cycle. The chapter then reviews support for Pylkkänen’s parametric view of Voice-bundling from, e.g., Hiaki, Turkish, Korean, and English. Results on causatives from Key (2013) and Jung (2014) suggest that the projection sequence dominating v may form part of a predetermined projection hierarchy. The constraint against stacking productive morphological causatives may thus be attributed to the extended verbal projection.

Hearing the ‘Voice’ of the Niphal: A Response to Ellen van Wolde

2021 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-308
Author(s):  
Ethan C. Jones
Keyword(s):  
Old Testament ◽  
Hebrew Bible ◽  
External Argument ◽  
Middle Voice ◽  
External Agent ◽  
The Voice ◽  
Previous Volume

This article responds to the innovative and stimulating research by Ellen van Wolde in a previous volume of Journal for the Study of the Old Testament. She claims that the Niphal is middle voice and can be passive, ‘if (and only if) an external argument, coded as an external Agent, is present’. My research however, demonstrates that such a description of the passive is both inadequate in view of the world’s languages and incongruent with Niphal. In addition, my response lays bare how such a prescription of the middle voice to the Niphal in the Hebrew Bible is circulus probando and unconvincing.

scholarly journals A New Argument for the Lexical Underspecification of Causers

2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 803-824
Author(s):  
James E. Lavine ◽  
Leonard H. Babby
Keyword(s):  
Large Class ◽  
Argument Structure ◽  
Sufficient Condition ◽  
External Argument ◽  
Nominative Case ◽  
Mere Presence ◽  
Causative Verbs

This article shows how a systematic impersonalization alternation in Russian provides additional evidence for underspecification in argument structure. In the case of a large class of lexically causative verbs, the causer is realized either as a volitional Agent in the nominative case or as an oblique-marked, nonvolitional causer, depending on how the event is construed. A causative theory of accusative is advanced, according to which the mere presence of external causation is a sufficient condition for accusative licensing, including those cases that lack an external argument altogether. The analysis is extended to explain accusative preservation in the Icelandic “fate accusative” construction.

Clause structure, case and agreement in Polish existential, possessive and locative sentences: A phase-based account

2018 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 637-696
Author(s):  
Joanna Błaszczak
Keyword(s):  
Information Structure ◽  
Clause Structure ◽  
External Argument ◽  
Case Alternation ◽  
Crucial Question ◽  
Existential Sentences ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Event Variable

Abstract In this paper it will be argued that the difference between existential and locative sentences is primarily structurally encoded at the vP/VP level (at the first phase of a derivation). The crucial question is which argument of the verb BE (the Location or the nominal argument (“Theme”)) is projected as the “external argument”, i.e., which argument is the subject of inner predication. In the case of existential sentences it is the Location argument which is the subject of inner predication, and in the case of locative sentences it is the nominal argument. The subject of inner predication becomes by default also the subject of outer predication, i.e., the topic of the sentence. Hence, in the case of locative sentences the nominal argument is the subject of outer predication, i.e., the topic of the sentence, and in the case of existential sentences it is the Location which becomes the topic. (Or, alternatively, the actual topic (the subject of outer predication) might be the situational/ event variable, and the Location functions as a restriction on it.) However, the actual arrangement of constituents in the sentences under discussion, as in any other Polish sentence, is determined by the pragmatic/communicative principles. Given this, it is reasonable to think that the NOM/GEN case alternation in negated existential/locative sentences is primarily a matter of syntax, and not one of information structure or scope of negation. The analysis will be modeled in accordance with the phasal model of Chomsky (2000 et seq.).

scholarly journals On the control/raising ambiguity with aspectual verbs: a structural account

2007 ◽  
Vol 47 ◽  
pp. 159-195
Author(s):  
Shin Fukuda
Keyword(s):  
Basic Assumption ◽  
Alternative Hypothesis ◽  
Romance Languages ◽  
Control Analysis ◽  
External Argument ◽  
Present Evidence ◽  
Selectional Restrictions ◽  
Structural Account ◽  
Structural Ambiguity ◽  
Aspectual Verbs

In what follows, I first briefly review Perlmutter (1968, 1970), in which it is argued that aspectual verbs are ambiguous between control and raising. I suggest that while the argument for the raising analysis is solid, the arguments supporting the control analysis of aspectual verbs are less so. As an alternative hypothesis to consider, I introduce the structural ambiguity hypothesis. In Section 3, I review three recent analyses of control and raising. Although there are important differences among them, they all share the basic assumption that the control/raising distinction is due to differences in selectional restrictions that the lexical items impose. Under such an assumption, the lexical ambiguity hypothesis is the only available option. In Section 4, I present evidence for the structural ambiguity hypothesis from studies concerning aspectual verbs in languages from four distinct families, German (Wurmbrand 2001), Japanese (Fukuda 2006), Romance languages (Cinque 2003), and Basque (Arregi Molina-Azaola 2004). These data strongly suggest that across languages aspectual verbs can appear in two different syntactic positions, either below or above vP, or the projection with which an external argument is introduced (Kratzer 1994, 1996, Chomsky 1995). Given these findings, I argue that it is the aspectual verbs' position with respect to vP which creates the control/raising ambiguity. When an aspectual verb appears in a position that is lower than vP, an external argument takes scope over the aspectual verb. Thus, it is interpreted as control. When an aspectual verb appears in a position that is higher than vP, on the other hand, it is the aspectual verb that takes scope over an entire vP, including the external argument. Thus, it is interpreted as raising. In section 5, I extend the scope of this study to include a discussion of want-type verbs in Indonesian, as analyzed in Polinsky & Potsdam (2006). Polinsky & Potsdam argue that the Indonesian want-type verbs must be raising in at least certain cases where they allow a rather peculiar interpretation. Although they assume that there are also control counterparts of the want-type verbs, I argue that applying the proposed analysis to the want-type verbs does away with the need for stipulating two distinct lexical entries for these verbs. Section 6 concludes the paper.  

The Äiwoo verb phrase: Syntactic ergativity without pivots

2014 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-106
Author(s):  
ÅSHILD NÆSS
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Evolution ◽  
Linguistic Diversity ◽  
Formal Models ◽  
Universal Functions ◽  
External Argument ◽  
Argument Position ◽  
Verb Phrase ◽  
Privileged Status ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Vp Structure

Formal models of syntax typically accord the structural position external to the verb's domain a privileged status in the overall syntactic makeup of a language, either by assuming that external arguments are always S or A, or by linking external argument position to syntactic pivothood. This paper demonstrates that the Oceanic language Äiwoo has an ergative verb phrase – i.e. A as the VP-internal argument and S/O as external arguments – but no corresponding S/O pivot. That is, the ergative structure of the verb phrase in Äiwoo does not entail any syntactically privileged status of the VP-external arguments; rather, it is simply a by-product of various diachronic developments. This situation shows that what has traditionally been perceived as fundamental differences in grammatical organisation – the difference between an accusative and an ergative pattern of VP structure – need not in fact be associated with any broader differences in syntactic or pragmatic structure. More importantly, it goes against the assumption that it is possible to assign universal functions to syntactic configurations. Instead, it can be seen as providing support for the view argued for by Evans & Levinson (2009: 444) that ‘most linguistic diversity is the product of historical cultural evolution operating on relatively independent traits’.

The Selectional Restrictions of French Past Tenses

2002 ◽  
Vol 47 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 47-66
Author(s):  
Marie Labelle
Keyword(s):  
Past Tense ◽  
External Argument ◽  
Internal Argument ◽  
Selectional Restrictions ◽  
Tense Operators ◽  
Past Tenses

AbstractThis article argues against the idea that the Imparfait and the Passé Simple in French are aspectually sensitive tense operators. Both morphemes combine with any type of eventuality. It is not the case that a clause in the Imparfait denotes a state, or that a clause in the Passé Simple denotes an event. It is proposed that the Passé Simple is a true past tense, which introduces a past eventuality in the discourse with the condition that it be the maximal eventuality of the appropriate type. The Imparfait is analyzed as a dyadic morpheme, which selects an eventuality as internal argument and a past temporal referent of discourse as external argument, where the eventuality provides a condition on the temporal referent.

Building verbs in Chuj: Consequences for the nature of roots

2018 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
JESSICA COON
Keyword(s):  
Strict Sense ◽  
External Argument ◽  
Semantic Type ◽  
Combinatorial Properties ◽  
Internal Argument ◽  
Root Class

This paper offers an in-depth look at roots and verb stem morphology in Chuj (Mayan) in order to address a larger question: when it comes to the formation of verb stems, what information is contributed by the root, and what is contributed by the functional heads? I show first that roots in Chuj are not acategorical in the strict sense (cf. Borer 2005), but must be grouped into classes based on their stem-forming possibilities. Root class does not map directly to surface lexical category, but does determine which functional heads (i.e. valence morphology) may merge with the root. Second, I show that while the introduction of the external argument, along with clausal licensing and agreement generally, are all governed by higher functional heads, the presence or absence of aninternalargument is dictated by the root. Specifically, I show that transitive roots in Chuj always combine with an internal argument, whether it be (i) a full DP, (ii) a bare pseudo-incorporated NP, or (iii) an implicit object in an antipassive. In the spirit of work such as Levinson (2007, 2014), I connect this to the semantic type of the root; root class reflects semantic type, and semantic type affects the root’s combinatorial properties. This work also contributes to the discussion of how valence morphology operates. In line with works such as Alexiadou, Anagnostopoulou & Schäfer (2006), I argue that valence morphology applies directly to roots, rather than to some ‘inherent valence’ of a verb.

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