Modality in the nominal domain: Yalnhej DPs in Chuj

How do modal expressions determine which possibilities they invoke? Do they do it the same way across categories? Recent work proposes that modal auxiliaries project the domain of possibilities that they quantify over from an event variable, which can get different values in different syntactic positions (Hacquard 2006, 2009, 2010, see also Kratzer 2013). Based on the behaviour of the Spanish random choice indefinite uno cualquiera, Alonso-Ovalle & Menéndez-Benito (2018) conclude that the same strategy is available for modal indefinites. This paper brings evidence from Chuj, an understudied Mayan language, which supports this conclusion further. The paper focuses on yalnhej DPs, a type of quantifier that makes a non-upper bound existential claim and that contributes a modal component with a flavour that depends on syntactic position.

A robust hazard ratio for general modeling of survival-times

Hazard ratios (HR) associated with the well-known proportional hazard Cox regression models are routinely used for measuring the impact of one factor of interest on a time-to-event outcome. However, if the underlying real model does not fit with the theoretical requirements, the interpretation of those HRs is not clear. We propose a new index, gHR, which generalizes the HR beyond the underlying survival model. We consider the case in which the study factor is a binary variable and we are interested in both the unadjusted and adjusted effect of this factor on a time-to-event variable, potentially, observed in a right-censored scenario. We propose non-parametric estimations for unadjusted gHR and semi-parametric regression-induced techniques for the adjusted case. The behavior of those estimators is studied in both large and finite sample situations. Monte Carlo simulations reveal that both estimators provide good approximations of their respective inferential targets. Data from the Health and Lifestyle Study are used for studying the relationship of the tobacco use and the age of death and illustrate the practical application of the proposed technique. gHR is a promising index which can help facilitate better understanding of the association of one study factor on a time-dependent outcome.

Pseudo-Incorporated Antecedents and Anaphora in Persian: The Influence of Stereotypical Knowledge

There are different theories about the nature of pseudo-incorporated nouns (PINs), which feature a non-specific, number-neutral interpretation. For a proper analysis it is crucial to take their anaphoric potential into account. This paper investigates if and how PINs introduce discourse referents, with evidence from Persian, and which theory matches this behavior best. We report on experiments in which the stereotypical enrichment of the number-neutral interpretation was systematically varied with two types of biases — towards a singular or a plural interpretation — and in the neutral case, when such a bias is lacking. The results of the experiments are compatible with Krifka & Modarresi (2016), which considers PIN objects as dependent singular definites (similar to weak definites) within existential closure over an event variable.

Extreme variability in an active galactic nucleus: Gaia16aax

ABSTRACT We present the results of a multiwavelength follow-up campaign for the luminous nuclear transient Gaia16aax, which was first identified in 2016 January. The transient is spatially consistent with the nucleus of an active galaxy at z = 0.25, hosting a black hole of mass ${\sim }6\times 10^8\, \mathrm{M}_\odot$. The nucleus brightened by more than 1 mag in the Gaia G band over a time-scale of less than 1 yr, before fading back to its pre-outburst state over the following 3 yr. The optical spectra of the source show broad Balmer lines similar to the ones present in a pre-outburst spectrum. During the outburst, the H α and H β emission lines develop a secondary peak. We also report on the discovery of two transients with similar light-curve evolution and spectra: Gaia16aka and Gaia16ajq. We consider possible scenarios to explain the observed outbursts. We exclude that the transient event could be caused by a microlensing event, variable dust absorption or a tidal encounter between a neutron star and a stellar mass black hole in the accretion disc. We consider variability in the accretion flow in the inner part of the disc, or a tidal disruption event of a star ${\ge } 1 \, \mathrm{M}_{\odot }$ by a rapidly spinning supermassive black hole as the most plausible scenarios. We note that the similarity between the light curves of the three Gaia transients may be a function of the Gaia alerts selection criteria.

THE EFFECT OF JEMBER FASHION CARNAVAL AND SPONSORSHIP ON COMPANY IMAGE PT. MARTINA BERTO

In 2015, Indonesia's GDP growth reached 852.24 trillion and fashion became an export commodity that dominated up to 56%. This stimulates the emergence of various fashion shows in Indonesia, one of which is the Jember Fashion Carnaval event sponsored by PT. Martina Berto from 2003. This study aims to find out whether there is an international standard JFC event that can improve the company's image of PT. Martin Berto as a local cosmetics company with international standard. This study uses a quantitative methodology with an instrument test in the form of a questionnaire distributed online to 100 respondents. The results of the study show that JFC events and sponsorships contribute to the corporate image of PT. Martina Berto at 53.6%. Separately, the event variable has an effect of 0.614 and the sponsorship variable has an effect of 0.326 on the corporate image of PT. Martina Berto. The results of this study can be used to increase the variable-forming elements that affect the company's image.

Estimating the quantile medical cost under time-dependent covariates and right censored time-to-event variable based on a state process

Estimating the medical costs from disease diagnosis to a terminal event is of immense interest to researchers. However, most of existing literature on such research focused on the estimation of cumulative mean function (CMF) for history process. In this paper, the combined scheme of both inverse probability of censoring weighting (IPCW) technique and longitudinal quantile regression model is used to develop a novel procedure to the estimation of cumulative quantile function (CQF) based on history process with time-dependent covariates and right censored time-to-event variable. The consistency of proposed estimator is derived. The extensive simulation study is conducted to investigate the performance of the estimator given in this paper. A medical cost data from a multicenter automatic defibrillator implantation trial (MADIT) is analyzed to illustrate the application of developed method.

Neodavidsonianism in Semantics and Syntax

This chapter discusses the impact and development of Donald Davidson’s original proposal that there is an event variable in the logical forms that encode meaning in natural languages. Originally, Davidson was concerned with adjuncts and their entailments, but this chapter demonstrates how these insights were extended to apply to thematic arguments. It is argued that there is a family of Neodavidsonian proposals that all have in common that they argue for Neodavidsonian logical forms. However, they differ substantially in how they derive these logical forms, notably in what assumptions they make concerning the syntactic structure that serves as an input to the semantic interpretation. The chapter provides an overview of some of the different approaches, closing by defending a view that can be viewed as a natural consequence of the original insight due to Davidson: not only event predicates, but also argument predicates are linked together by way of conjunction.

The Oxford Handbook of Event Structure

This volume offers an introduction to current research in event structure, the study of the role of events in grammar. This area of study breaks down into several interrelated questions: How do we perceive events? How do events as objects of perception relate to linguistic event descriptions? What structural distinctions can we make among events, and how are these distinctions reflected grammatically? How do events relate to their participants? To what extent does syntax constrain the grammar of event descriptions? The handbook reflects the growth of this field, from three foundational hypotheses: that action sentences are predicates of event variables (Davidson), that verb meanings can be divided into a small number of aspectual classes (Vendler), and that verb meanings can be partly decomposed into a small set of recurring primitives (Lakoff, McCawley). Part I considers the implications of the Davidsonian event variable for aspects of natural language metaphysics; Part II considers the relationship of event structure to morphosyntax; Part III focuses on crosslinguistic variation in event descriptions; and Part IV covers less narrowly grammatical aspects of event structure.

Degree Modification and Pluractionality in Spanish

Standard and Puerto Rican Spanish has two modifiers, bastante/enough and más/more. These modifiers behave like the Spanish modifier muy/very in that they can modify gradable adjectives. However, these modifiers have an additional property. They are categorically flexible, in that they can combine not only with adjectives but also nouns and verbs. And when they modify verbs, plucational readings emerge. I show that these modifiers convey a multiplicity of pluractional readings that stem from the verb’s lexical property. Also, I show how these modifiers can be syntactically flexible. In the grammar, más and bastante bind to an event variable which determines its semantic. El español puertorriqueño y estándar cuenta con dos modificadores, bastante/enough y más/more. Estos se comportan como el modificador muy/very en que modifica adjetivos gradables. Sin embargo, estos modificadores tienen una propiedad adicional. Son categóricamente flexibles, en que pueden combinar no solamente con adjetivos, pero también con sustantivos y verbos. Y cuando modifican verbos, surge unas interpretaciones de pluraccionales. Demuestro que estos modificadores codifican una multiplicidad de interpretaciones pluraccionales. Estas interpretaciones surgen de las propiedades léxicas del verbo cuyo están modificando. También, demuestro como estos modificadores pueden ser sintácticamente flexibles. En la gramática, más y bastante se enlazan a una variable de eventos el cual determina su semántica.

Clause structure, case and agreement in Polish existential, possessive and locative sentences: A phase-based account

In this paper it will be argued that the difference between existential and locative sentences is primarily structurally encoded at the vP/VP level (at the first phase of a derivation). The crucial question is which argument of the verb BE (the Location or the nominal argument (“Theme”)) is projected as the “external argument”, i.e., which argument is the subject of inner predication. In the case of existential sentences it is the Location argument which is the subject of inner predication, and in the case of locative sentences it is the nominal argument. The subject of inner predication becomes by default also the subject of outer predication, i.e., the topic of the sentence. Hence, in the case of locative sentences the nominal argument is the subject of outer predication, i.e., the topic of the sentence, and in the case of existential sentences it is the Location which becomes the topic. (Or, alternatively, the actual topic (the subject of outer predication) might be the situational/ event variable, and the Location functions as a restriction on it.) However, the actual arrangement of constituents in the sentences under discussion, as in any other Polish sentence, is determined by the pragmatic/communicative principles. Given this, it is reasonable to think that the NOM/GEN case alternation in negated existential/locative sentences is primarily a matter of syntax, and not one of information structure or scope of negation. The analysis will be modeled in accordance with the phasal model of Chomsky (2000 et seq.).