Case alternation in lexicalized grammar

In this paper, we propose to extend the Przepiórkowski's 2000 analysis of Long Distance Genitive of Negation to the same phenomenon in Lithuanian. We discuss the features that have their origin in Categorial Grammar. We then develop a novel analysis of the case alternation in Categorial Grammar incorporating features of the HPSG analysis. The two accounts show a surprising convergence in basic assumptions and predictions.

Löytyä-verbin konstruktioiden yhteydessä esiintyvä subjektin sijanvaihtelu

Abstrakti. Artikkeli tarkastelee löytyä-verbin konstruktioiden nominatiivi- ja partitiivisubjektin vaihtelua. Aineistona on korpuksista poimittu 779 havainnon satunnaisotos, jota tarkastellaan sekä kvantitatiivisesti tilastollisin menetelmin että kvalitatiivisesta näkökulmasta. Tutkimus pyrkii selvittämään, mitkä muuttujat vaikuttavat löytyä-verbin sisältävien lauseiden subjektien sijanvalintaan. Valikoidut muuttujat ovat subjektin luku, subjektin jaollisuus, subjektin sanaluokka, sanajärjestys, aikamuoto, subjektin ja verbin välinen kongruenssi sekä subjektin lemma, joka toimii satunnaismuuttujana. Regressioanalyysin keinoin subjektin sijanvalintaa ennustetaan mainittujen muuttujien ja niiden välisten vuorovaikutussuhteiden avulla. Laadullisessa analyysissa käsitellään myös näiden morfosyntaktisten ja semanttisten seikkojen vaikutusta lauseen eksistentiaalisuuden sekä subjektin kvantiteetin ja definiittisyyden tulkintaan. Abstract. Rodolfo Basile, Ilmari Ivaska: Subject case alternation in constructions containing the Finnish verb löytyä. This article examines the nominative-partitive subject alternation occurring with constructions containing the Finnish verb löytyä. The material used is taken from corpora and consists of a random sample of 779 observations, analyzed both quantitatively by means of statistical methods, and from a qualitative point of view. The research aims at investigating which variables influence the case alternation of subjects of constructions containing the verb löytyä. The chosen variables are subject number, subject divisibility, subject part of speech, word order, tense, agreement and subject lemma, the only random variable. With the help of regression analysis, the subject case is predicted on the basis of said variables and of interactions between them. The qualitative analysis will also discuss the relationship these morphosyntactic and semantic variables have with the existential interpretations of the clause as well as with the subject quantity and definiteness. Kokkuvõte. Rodolfo Basile, Ilmari Ivaska: Subjekti käändevaheldus löytyä-verbiga konstruktsioonides. Artiklis uuritakse nominatiivi- ja partitiivikujulise subjekti vaheldumist soome keele löytyä-verbi sisaldavates konstruktsioonides. 779 vaatlust sisaldavat korpustest pärinevat juhuvalimit analüüsitakse nii kvantitatiivsete kui ka kvalitatiivsete meetoditega. Uurimuse eesmärk on välja selgitada, millised tegurid löytyä-verbi sisaldavate konstruktsioonide subjekti käändevalikut mõjutavad. Käsitletavad tegurid on subjekti arv, loendatavus, sõnaliik, konstruktsiooni sõnajärg, ajavorm ning subjekti ja verbi ühildumine. Juhusliku muutujana kaasatakse ka subjekti lemma. Regressioonanalüüsi abil ennustatakse subjekti käändevalikut mainitud tegurite ja nendevaheliste koosmõjude kaudu. Kvalitatiivse analüüsi käigus arutletakse ka selle üle, milline on nimetatud morfosüntaktiliste ja semantiliste tegurite mõju lause eksistentsiaalsele tõlgendusele ning subjekti kvantiteedile ja definiitsusele.

The Transitivity Index: Using Transitivity as a continuous measure to account for clitic case alternation in Spanish causative constructions

In Spanish causative constructions with dejar ‘let’ and hacer ‘make’ the subject of the embedded infinitive verb can appear in the accusative or the dative case. This case alternation has been accounted for by resorting to the notion of direct vs. indirect causation. Under this account, the accusative clitic with a transitive verb denotes direct causation while the dative clitic with an intransitive verb expresses indirect causation. The problem with this account is that we lack an independent definition of (in)direct causation in this context and so this approach suffers from circularity: the case of the clitic is used to determine causation type and causation type implies use of one or the other grammatical case. Therefore, a more objective way to account for clitic case alternation is needed. In this paper, I offer one possible solution in this direction by investigating clitic case alternation against Hopper and Thompson’s Transitivity parameters and a small number of other linguistic variables. The novelty of this approach is that I operationalise Transitivity as a weighted continuous measure (which I call the Transitivity Index) and use it to predict the case of the clitic. The results indicate that the transitivity of the infinitive verb, the animacy of the object and the agentivity of the subject are strong predictors of clitic case. Moreover, the Transitivity Index clearly shows that higher levels of Transitivity are associated with the dative clitic contrary to other contexts in which accusative is said to be more transitive. The findings in this paper allow us to arrive at a finer-grained characterization of the contexts in which each clitic case is more likely to occur and provide further evidence of the pervasiveness of Transitivity in natural language.

Assessing Consistency in Single-Case Alternation Designs

Consistency is one of the crucial single-case data aspects that are expected to be assessed visually, when evaluating the presence of an intervention effect. Complementarily to visual inspection, there have been recent proposals for quantifying the consistency of data patterns in similar phases and the consistency of effects for reversal, multiple-baseline, and changing criterion designs. The current text continues this line of research by focusing on alternation designs using block randomization. Specifically, three types of consistency are discussed: consistency of superiority of one condition over another, consistency of the average level across blocks, and consistency in the magnitude of the effect across blocks. The focus is put especially on the latter type of consistency, which is quantified on the basis of partitioning the variance, as attributed to the intervention, to the blocking factor or remaining as residual (including the interaction between the intervention and the blocks). Several illustrations with real and fictitious data are provided in order to make clear the meaning of the quantification proposed. Moreover, specific graphical representations are recommend for complementing the numerical assessment of consistency. A freely available user-friendly webpage is developed for implementing the proposal.

Layers of (un)boundedness: The aspectual–quantificational interplay of quantifiers and partitive case in Finnish object arguments

I present an account of the interplay between quantifiers and the partitive–accusative case alternation in Finnish object marking, with special reference to the aspectual and quantificational semantics of the clause. The case alternation expresses two oppositions (in affirmative clauses): (a) bounded (accusative) vs. unbounded (partitive) quantity, (b) culminating (accusative) vs. non-culminating (partitive) aspect. The quantifiers analyzed are of two main types: (i) mass quantifiers (e. g., paljon ‘a lot of’, vähän ‘(a) little’), which quantify a mass expressed by a mass noun or a plural form, (ii) number quantifiers (e. g., moni ‘many’, usea ‘a number of’), which quantify a multiplicity of discrete entities expressed by a count noun in the singular or plural. Finnish mass quantifiers only quantify nominals in the partitive, while number quantifiers agree with the quantified nominal in number and case and are used throughout the case paradigm. With a mass quantifier, the partitive form of the quantified nominal expresses unbounded quantity, which the quantifier then renders bounded (quantized). This is why object phrases with mass quantifiers behave like accusative objects: they express a bounded quantity together with culminating aspect. Number quantifiers quantify both accusative and partitive objects, in the singular and plural. Such objects are able to express aspect and quantity at two levels: (i) that of the individual component events which concern one entity each; (ii) that of the higher-order event which concerns the whole quantity expressed. I argue that the case marking of the object relates primarily to level (i), while the meaning of the number quantifier relates to level (ii). This is why a number quantifier typically renders the quantity bounded and the aspect culminating at level (ii), even when the partitive case expresses unboundedness or lack of culmination at level (i).

Exclamatives are nonsententials: Evidence from Arabic and other languages

Previous studies overlook the fact that exclamatives (Excls) are temporally deictic to thehere and now, and they are anchored by the context rather than Tense (i.e., they lack the TP layer),and that they are constructed crosslinguistically as nonclausal projections. This paper provides anoverview of the literature and highlights that the clausal type of Excls is not agreed upon, the definingfeatures (e.g., factivity, scalar implicature, and question/answer relations) are highly controversialand cross-linguistically invalid, and previous analyses seem inconsistent, complicated, andinadequate to account for the idiosyncrasies of Excls. Unlike previous studies, the paper claims thatExcls as asymmetrical small clauses selected by Excl head. This analysis accounts for the peculiaritiesand intricacies of the three types of Arabic Excls (i.e., Wh-Excls, vocative Excls, and verbal Excls)such as (i) their inflexible word order, (ii) case alternation on the referent, (iii) the presence of spuriousprepositions, and (vi) the obligatory presence of some particles and affixes although not semanticallyrequired. Since the given peculiarities are not specific to Arabic and are found in other languages andsupported by cross-linguistic data, the paper claims that the nonsentential approach is empiricallymore defensible and conceptually simpler to account for Excls crosslinguistically.