Simple Monotransitive and Complex Dative Alternation Predicates in Spanish Monolingual Child Acquisition Data

Probus ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-179
Author(s):  
Silvia Sánchez Calderón

Abstract This work analyzes the acquisition of simple and complex constructions in Spanish monolingual children’s data. It examines the emergence and the role played by adult input in child production of simple monotransitive constructions when compared to two types of complex predicates that undergo dative alternation (DA), namely, a/para-datives and dative-clitic doubled (DCLD) structures. In order to shed light on these issues, we have analyzed data from Spanish monolingual children and from the adults that they interact with, as available in CHILDES (MacWhinney, Brian. 2000. The CHILDES project: Tools for analyzing talk [Dataset], 3rd edn. Mahwah: Lawrence Erlbaum. http://childes.talkbank.org (accessed 20 October 2019)). The results show that there is an order in the onset of simple and complex predicate constructions, as reflected in the earlier emergence of monotransitives when compared to DA constructions. The latter also show a subsequent order of first occurrence, namely, DCLDs before a/para-datives. Thus, the degree of syntactic complexity seems to have played a role in the acquisition of simple and complex constructions, as measured by the number of Case assignment relations between the verb and its internal argument(s). Moreover, the differences in the Spanish monolingual children’s incidence of the three structures under analysis do not appear to be explained by the relative frequency of exposure in the adult input.

Probus ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Silvia Sánchez Calderón

Abstract This work analyzes the acquisition of simple and complex constructions in Spanish monolingual children’s data. It examines the emergence and the role played by adult input in child production of simple monotransitive constructions when compared to two types of complex predicates that undergo dative alternation (DA), namely, a/para-datives and dative-clitic doubled (DCLD) structures. In order to shed light on these issues, we have analyzed data from Spanish monolingual children and from the adults that they interact with, as available in CHILDES (MacWhinney, Brian. 2000. The CHILDES project: Tools for analyzing talk [Dataset], 3rd edn. Mahwah: Lawrence Erlbaum. http://childes.talkbank.org (accessed 20 October 2019)). The results show that there is an order in the onset of simple and complex predicate constructions, as reflected in the earlier emergence of monotransitives when compared to DA constructions. The latter also show a subsequent order of first occurrence, namely, DCLDs before a/para-datives. Thus, the degree of syntactic complexity seems to have played a role in the acquisition of simple and complex constructions, as measured by the number of Case assignment relations between the verb and its internal argument(s). Moreover, the differences in the Spanish monolingual children’s incidence of the three structures under analysis do not appear to be explained by the relative frequency of exposure in the adult input.


Author(s):  
Shakthi Poornima ◽  
Jean-Pierre Koenig

This paper discusses ergative case assignment in Hindi and its interaction with aspectual verb complexes or complex predicate constructions. It is shown that ergative case is assigned by the last head in the aspectual verb complex and that ergative case on the subject of intransitive verbs denoting bodily-functions is associated with a counter-to-expectation meaning. It is then shown that aspect complex predicates in Hindi involve two distinct syntactic structures, which have similar semantics. While one syntactic structure involves argument composition, the other involves a head-modifier structure. It is argued that the existence of two structures favor approaches to the interface between syntax and semantics which do not require a uniform isomorphism between the semantics and syntax of aspect.


2021 ◽  
Vol 85 ◽  
pp. 127-140
Author(s):  
Silvia Sánchez Calderón

This study examines the acquisition of English simple monotransitive and complex dative alternation (DA) structures (double object constructions (DOC) and to/for-datives) in the longitudinal spontaneous production of monolingual children. In order to address these issues, we analyzed data from twelve English monolingual children and from adults’ child-directed speech, as available in CHILDES (MacWhinney, 2000). The findings revealed that simple monotransitive constructions started being produced earlier and showed a higher incidence when compared to complex DA constructions, which suggests that the degree of syntactic complexity has had an effect on the acquisition of transitives. However, the two complex DA constructions emerged at an approximately similar age, which could be explained by the Case assigning related properties. Furthermore, the chronological progression and the difference regarding the incidence of the three constructions (monotransitives > DOCs > to/for-datives) could be attributed to the amount of exposure to these structures in the adult input.


1999 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 147-163
Author(s):  
Niina Ning Zhang

This paper investigates syntactic properties of verbless constructions in Chinese. Verbless constructions differ from constructions with overt verbs in three major respects. First, there is a VP-internal nominal raising in Chinese, which is optional if an overt verb shows up, and obligatory if there is no overt verb. Second, while an overt verb can select various kinds of argument, the internal argument of a verbless construction cannot be indefinite. Third, there are two types of object depictive secondary predication constructions, and only one of them allows for a null verb.  


Author(s):  
Malka Rappaport Hovav

Theories of argument realization typically associate verbs with an argument structure and provide algorithms for the mapping of argument structure to morphosyntactic realization. A major challenge to such theories comes from the fact that most verbs have more than one option for argument realization. Sometimes a particular range of realization options for a verb is systematic in that it is consistently available to a relatively well-defined class of verbs; it is then considered to be one of a set of recognized argument alternations. Often—but not always—these argument alternations are associated morphological marking. An examination of cross-linguistic patterns of morphology associated with the causative alternation and the dative alternation reveals that the alternation is not directly encoded in the morphology. For both alternations, understanding the morphological patterns requires an understanding of the interaction between the semantics of the verb and the construction the verb is integrated into. Strikingly, similar interactions between the verb and the construction are found in languages that do not mark the alternations morphologically, and the patterns of morphological marking in morphologically rich languages can shed light on the appropriate analysis of the alternations in languages that do not mark the alternations morphologically.


Diachronica ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dominique Estival

SUMMARY The paper presents the results of a quantitative study of the evolution of the passive construction in English. Some of the syntactic environments studied (e.g., the presence of modifiers before the participle, passivization of indirect or prepositional objects, the passive of 'accusative object' verbs or of verbs with predicative complements) have been used as tests for the syntactic category of the passive participle (Wasow 1977). The relative frequency of these environments (and others, such as coordination) in a selection of texts from different periods provide evidence that the change in the grammar of English cannot be described as the introduction of a new rule forming verbal passives instead of adjectival passives (Lightfoot 1979), but is best explained by a change in the structural description of the passive rule, due to a reformulation of the rule in terms of the notion of internal argument (Williams 1981), instead of the notion of direct, or accusative, object of the active verb. RÉSUMÉ L'article présente ici les resultats d'une étude quantitative de l'évolution de la construction passive en anglais. Certains des environnements syntaxiques considérés (par exemple la présence de modificateurs du participe passé, la passivisation d'objets indirects ou prépositionnels, le passif du sujet de complément infinitifs ou de compléments prédicatifs) ont servis de tests pour la catégorie syntaxique du participe passé passif (Wasow 1977). La fréquence relative de ces environnements (ainsi que d'autres, tels que la coordination) dans une sélection de textes de différentes périodes prouve que le changement syntaxique survenue dans la grammaire de l'anglais ne peut être décrit comme l'introduction d'une nouvelle règle qui formerait des passifs verbaux par l'opposition à des passifs adjectivaux (Lightfoot 1979), mais doit s'expliquer par un changement de la description structurelle de la règle du passif, dû à une réformulation de la règle en termes de la notion d"argument interne' (Williams 1981), plutdht que de la notion d'objet direct, ou accusatif, du verbe actif. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Der Aufsatz stellt das Ergebnis einer quantitativen Studie der historischen Entwicklung der Passivkonstruktion im Englischen dar. Einige der hier unter-suchten syntaktischen Umgebungen (etwa das Vorhandensein von Modifikato-ren vor der Partikel, die Passivisierung indirekter oder pràpositioneller Ob-jekte, das Passiv von 'Akkusativobjekt'-Verben oder von Verben mit prädika-tivem Komplement) sind als Test für die syntaktische Kategorie des Passivpar-tizips verwendet worden (Wasow 1977). Die relative Häufîgkeit dieser Umgebungen (und anderer, z.B. die der Koordination) in einer Textauswahl ver-schiedener Zeitabschnitte liefern den Nachweis, daß die Veränderung in der Grammatik des Englischen nicht als die Einführung einer neuen Regel, die verbale anstelle von adjektivalen Passivkonstruktionen bildet, beschrieben werden kann (Lightfoot 1979), sondern vielmehr als ein Wandel in der strukturellen Beschreibung der Passivregel, und zwar als Folge einer Neuformulierung der Regel nach MaBgabe des Prinzips eines 'internen Arguments' (Williams 1981)ß und nicht des eines direkten (Akkusativ-) Objekts des aktiven Verbs.


Author(s):  
Dorothea Hoffmann

<p>While complex verbs are well attested in Australian languages and elsewhere, in MalakMalak two systems of multi-verb constructions combine in a typologically rare setup: First, complex predicates consist of an uninflecting open-classed coverb and an inflecting verb (IV) of a closed class of six. Second, coverbs combine in serial constructions as part of a complex predicate with up to four coverbs encoding multiple or single events. This overlap provides a unique opportunity to examine shared and distinctive features. I argue for an analysis of MalakMalak’s complex predicates’ argument structure in terms of argument unification (Bowern 2010) of coverb and IV. </p>


mSphere ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne E. Mayer Bridwell

ABSTRACT Annie Mayer Bridwell works in the field of tuberculosis pathogenesis from the host perspective. She is fascinated by comorbidities, and in this paper, she reflects on three publications that shaped her model of neutrophil-centric pathology in tuberculosis and type 2 diabetes comorbidity. She explains that “Systems immunology of diabetes-tuberculosis comorbidity reveals signatures of disease complications” (C. A. Prada-Medina, K. F. Fukutani, N. Pavan Kumar, L. Gil-Santana, et al., Sci Rep 7:1999, 2017, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-017-01767-4) led her to consider neutrophils as a central immunological player in comorbid patients. “Type I IFN exacerbates disease in tuberculosis-susceptible mice by inducing neutrophil-mediated lung inflammation and NETosis” (L. Moreira-Teixeira, P. J. Stimpson, E. Stavropoulos, S. Hadebe, et al., Nat Commun 11:5566, 2020, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41467-020-19412-6) and “Diabetes primes neutrophils to undergo NETosis, which impairs wound healing” (S. L. Wong, M. Demers, K. Martinod, M. Gallant, et al., Nat Med 21:815–819, 2015, https://doi.org/10.1038/nm.3887) then shed light on neutrophil extracellular trap (NET) formation as a common pathological feature of dysregulated neutrophils in tuberculosis and diabetes, respectively. Together, these works laid the foundation for Dr. Mayer Bridwell's interest in metabolic regulation of NETosis during TB infection and diabetes comorbidity.


2010 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 182 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sonia Maria Lazzarini Cyrino

I analyze clitic climbing as the effect of Romance syntactic complex predicate formation: the non-finite verb phrase moves to the specifier of the upper V. This movement forms a complex predicate so as to allow for a configuration where clitics can climb. Crucial for this movement is the presence of a defective C-T. The lack of clitic climbing in Brazilian Portuguese is but one consequence of a non-defective C-T system in these structures. As a consequence, we have the possibility for certain constructions to occur in the language; in fact, they are presented as additional evidence for the proposal.KEYWORDS: Clitic climbing. Syntactic complex predicates. ECM. Inflected infinitives. Brazilian Portuguese. Principles & Parameters Theory.


Author(s):  
Hirofumi Aoki ◽  
Bjarke Frellesvig

This chapter describes the main features of Verb Verb complex predicates in Old and Middle Japanese (8th to 16th centuries) and discusses changes that took place between Old Japanese and Modern Japanese. Old Japanese had complex verbal predicate constructions which resemble the Modern Japanese Types 1–3, and in addition a V1 aktionsart verb construction, which is not found in later stages and which is hypothesized to have played a crucial role in the development of complex predicates in Japanese. The wordhood of complex verbal predicates is addressed. Verb Verb complex predicates did not constitute tight morphological units in Old and Early Middle Japanese, but developed into morphological words in Late Middle and Modern Japanese. It is proposed that the loss of subordinating function of the infinitive played an important part in this change. It is also observed that the Modern Japanese Type 4 (Vte V) is a Late Middle Japanese innovation which is not a prototypical complex predicate verb construction but rather an auxiliary verb construction.


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