scholarly journals More Gender Equality, More Homogamy? A Cohort Comparison in Six European Countries

2017 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 453-480
Author(s):  
Julie Falcon ◽  
Dominique Joye
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
Educational Attainment ◽  
Gender Equality ◽  
Labour Force ◽  
European Countries ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Educational Homogamy ◽  
The United Kingdom

Abstract We study whether educational homogamy has increased following the rise of women’s educational attainment and of egalitarian couples in France, Germany, the Netherlands, Spain, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. From the analysis of data from the European Union and Swiss Labour Force Surveys over a 15-year period (1999–2013), we observe that educational homogamy did not increase across cohorts, although we find substantial differences in the degree of homogamy according to couple arrangements.

Flexibility—The Experience So Far

2000 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 479-498
Author(s):  
John A. Usher
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
European Community ◽  
Extensive Literature ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Amsterdam Treaty ◽  
Article 5 ◽  
Treaty Of Amsterdam

The choice of the word “flexibility” in the title of this paper rather than the term “closer co-operation” introduced by the Treaty of Amsterdam is not accidental: since the general Amsterdam provisions on closer co-operation have not so far been used, a paper on the experience of those provisions since their entry into force would be very short—even if they have given rise to an extensive literature. It should nevertheless be remembered that under the terms of the Amsterdam Treaty itself there are situations where those provisions are deemed to have been used: under Article 1 of the Protocol Integrating the Schengen acquis into the Framework of the European Union, Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Greece, Spain, France, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Austria, Portugal, Finland and Sweden, as signatories to the Schengen agreements, are “authorised to establish closer co-operation among themselves” within the scope of those agreements and related provisions; furthermore, under Article 5 of that Protocol, where either Ireland or the United Kingdom or both have not notified the President of the Council in writing within a reasonable period that they wish to take part, “the authorisation referred to in Article 11 of the Treaty establishing the European Community or Article 40 of the Treaty on European Union shall be deemed to have been granted to the Member States referred to in Article 1 and to Ireland or the United Kingdom where either of them wishes to take part in the areas of co-operation in question”.

scholarly journals An Analysis of Territorial Patterns in COVID-19 Mortality in France, Spain, Italy and the UK

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberto Zavatta
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
National Level ◽  
Mortality Rates ◽  
Regional Level ◽  
European Countries ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Territorial Disparities ◽  
The Uk

This paper provides an overview of territorial patterns of COVID-19 deaths in four European countries severely affected by the pandemic, Spain, France, Italy, and the United Kingdom. The analysis focuses on cumulated COVID-19 mortality at the sub-regional level, following the territorial subdivision of countries adopted by the European Union. The paper builds upon a dataset with highly granular information on COVID-19 deaths assembled from various sources. The analysis shows remarkable differences in territorial patterns of COVID-19 mortality, both within and across the four countries reviewed. Results somewhat differ depending on the aspect considered (concentration of deaths or mortality rates) but, in general, Italy, France and Spain display significant territorial disparities, with selected sub-regions being disproportionately affected by the pandemic. Instead, the picture is more uniform in the UK, with comparatively lower differences across the various sub-regions. These findings suggest that analyses of COVID-19 mortality at the national level (and, sometimes, even at the regional level) may conceal major differences and therefore be of limited use, both analytically and from an operational viewpoint.

Welfare participation: A comparison between immigrants and natives in the United Kingdom

2015 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-123
Author(s):  
Nele Van der Wielen ◽  
Jakub Bijak
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Labour Force ◽  
Social Benefit ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Welfare Participation ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Eastern European Countries

European migration is a hotly debated topic in the United Kingdom. Using the Labour Force Survey  data for 2012 this study analyses benefit claims among Central and Eastern European immigrants, immigrants from the old European Union member states and UK natives. Results of logistic regression modelling show that, compared to natives, social benefit claims are higher among immigrants from the eight Eastern European countries that became member states of the European Union in 2004. However, those immigrants have a smaller probability than natives to claim unemployment related benefit or income support indicating that the decision to migrate is not likely related to potential benefit support.

Flexibility—The Experience So Far

2000 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 479-498 ◽  
Author(s):  
John A. Usher
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
European Community ◽  
Extensive Literature ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Amsterdam Treaty ◽  
Article 5 ◽  
Treaty Of Amsterdam

The choice of the word “flexibility” in the title of this paper rather than the term “closer co-operation” introduced by the Treaty of Amsterdam is not accidental: since the general Amsterdam provisions on closer co-operation have not so far been used, a paper on the experience of those provisions since their entry into force would be very short—even if they have given rise to an extensive literature. It should nevertheless be remembered that under the terms of the Amsterdam Treaty itself there are situations where those provisions are deemed to have been used: under Article 1 of the Protocol Integrating the Schengen acquis into the Framework of the European Union, Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Greece, Spain, France, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Austria, Portugal, Finland and Sweden, as signatories to the Schengen agreements, are “authorised to establish closer co-operation among themselves” within the scope of those agreements and related provisions; furthermore, under Article 5 of that Protocol, where either Ireland or the United Kingdom or both have not notified the President of the Council in writing within a reasonable period that they wish to take part, “the authorisation referred to in Article 11 of the Treaty establishing the European Community or Article 40 of the Treaty on European Union shall be deemed to have been granted to the Member States referred to in Article 1 and to Ireland or the United Kingdom where either of them wishes to take part in the areas of co-operation in question”.

scholarly journals MI, NAROD FEDERACIJE! USTAVOTVORNA VLAST U KLASIČNIM I SUVREMENIM FEDERACIJAMA

2021 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-34
Author(s):  
Robert Podolnjak
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
European Countries ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Federal States ◽  
Basic Assumptions ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Fundamental Distinction ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Difference

Regardless of the earlier assumptions about the obsolescence of the classic federal theory, the paper emphasizes the contemporary significance and relevance of federalism. Europe is the epicentre of modern federalization processes, not only when it comes to the European Union, but also a number of European countries such as Belgium, Spain and the United Kingdom. The paper points out the fundamental distinction between the classic and modern federalism, which has its origin in the fact that federal systems 'arise' differently as a result of opposite processes of federalization and that in this sense we can distinguish between classic “integrative” and modern “devolutive” federalism. The basic assumptions of the paper are that 1) these two federalism patterns originally differ in the character of the basic constitutive act of the federal union with regard to the subject of creating a federation, and 2) because contemporary federations are “federal states without a federal foundation” this difference is not noticeable today. On the contrary, it has largely disappeared, and in this way, the difference between classic and modern federalism is actually bridged.

scholarly journals Migracje wielokrotne w Europie: polscy migranci w Wielkiej Brytanii, Holandii, Irlandii i Niemczech

2020 ◽  
Vol 46 (2 (176)) ◽  
pp. 7-29
Author(s):  
Barbara Jancewicz ◽  
Justyna Salamońska
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
Dominant Role ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Polish Migrants ◽  
Access To Data ◽  
Selection Mechanisms

Multiple migrations in Europe: Polish migrants in the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Ireland and Germany Traditionally, research on migration studied one-directional flows of people occurring between the country of origin and a single destination country. Few studies go beyond this framework, mainly due to limited access to data. The aim of this article is a broader analysis of multiple migration, i.e. migration sequences, returns and re-emigrations, in particular to next destination countries. This is made possible thanks to the National Polish Bank survey of Polish migrants residing in the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Ireland and Germany in 2016. Analysing the results of this survey, we estimate that multiple migrants constitute around 11 % of all Polish migrants. We analyse the profile of Polish multiple migrants, as opposed to other migrants, and we compare the profile of multiple migrants in various countries. We find some similarities in the profiles of multiple migrants in the four countries, however this is not a homogeneous group, probably due to various selection mechanisms operating for the destination countries involved. In addition, we describe the destinations for multiple migrations of Poles and we point to the dominant role of the European Union Member States as destinations. Keywords: Multiple migration, Polish migration, European Union Streszczenie Tradycyjnie badania nad migracjami dotyczyły jednokierunkowych przepływów ludności z kraju pochodzenia do poszczególnych krajów pobytu. Niewiele badań wybiegało poza te ramy, głównie z powodu ograniczonego dostępu do danych. Celem tego artykułu jest szersza analiza, odnosząca się do migracji wielokrotnych, to jest sekwencji migracji, powrotów i powtórnej migracji, w szczególności do kolejnych krajów docelowych. Jest to możliwe na podstawie danych pochodzących z sondażu Narodowego Banku Polskiego na temat polskich migrantów mieszkających w Wielkiej Brytanii, Holandii, Irlandii oraz Niemczech w 2016 roku. Analizując wyniki tego sondażu szacujemy, że migranci wielokrotni stanowią około 11% wszystkich polskich migrantów. Porównujemy profil polskich migrantów wielokrotnych z profilem pozostałych migrantów oraz dokonujemy porównań wewnątrz grupy migrantów wielokrotnych. Odnajdujemy pewne podobieństwa pomiędzy profilami migrantów wielokrotnych w czterech krajach. Równocześnie wskazujemy jednak, że nie jest to grupa jednorodna, prawdopodobnie ze względu na zróżnicowane mechanizmy selekcji do różnych krajów docelowych. Ponadto przedstawiamy kierunki geograficzne migracji wielokrotnych Polaków oraz wskazujemy na dominującą rolę krajów Unii Europejskiej dla tych migracji. * Niniejszy artykuł powstał w ramach współpracy dwóch projektów finansowanych przez Narodowe Centrum Nauki (NCN): ‘W poszukiwaniu teorii migracji wielokrotnych. Ilościowe i jakościowe badanie polskich migrantów po 1989 roku’ (SONATA BIS, ID: 2015/18/E/HS4/00497)) oraz ‘Wpływ akumulacji własności przez migrantów ekonomicznych na ich mobilność i integrację: Polscy migranci w krajach Unii Europejskiej i w Australii’ (OPUS, ID: 2015/19/B/HS4/00364).

An Introduction to the Series

2011 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 267-271
Author(s):  
JHR
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
Constitutional Law ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Alphabetical Order ◽  
Member States ◽  
The United Kingdom

Seven of the member states of the European Union are monarchies. They are, in alphabetical order, Belgium, Denmark, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom. It is to these European monarchies that the European Constitutional Law Review dedicates a series of articles. Its aim is to find answers to questions regarding their current organization and legitimation, the (remaining) monarchical competences or powers and the republican ‘opposition’. The overriding aim is to see what the Union means for them and how monarchies can survive constitutionally in the European Union (if at all).

Euratom and Brexit: Could the United Kingdom Maintain One Foot in the European Union? Current Scenarios and Future Prospects of British withdrawal from the EAEC

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-151
Author(s):  
Andrea Circolo ◽  
Ondrej Hamuľák
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Independent Solution ◽  
Legal Regulation ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Status ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Energy Community ◽  
The Impact

Abstract The paper focuses on the very topical issue of conclusion of the membership of the State, namely the United Kingdom, in European integration structures. The ques­tion of termination of membership in European Communities and European Union has not been tackled for a long time in the sources of European law. With the adop­tion of the Treaty of Lisbon (2009), the institute of 'unilateral' withdrawal was intro­duced. It´s worth to say that exit clause was intended as symbolic in its nature, in fact underlining the status of Member States as sovereign entities. That is why this institute is very general and the legal regulation of the exercise of withdrawal contains many gaps. One of them is a question of absolute or relative nature of exiting from integration structures. Today’s “exit clause” (Art. 50 of Treaty on European Union) regulates only the termination of membership in the European Union and is silent on the impact of such a step on membership in the European Atomic Energy Community. The presented paper offers an analysis of different variations of the interpretation and solution of the problem. It´s based on the independent solution thesis and therefore rejects an automa­tism approach. The paper and topic is important and original especially because in the multitude of scholarly writings devoted to Brexit questions, vast majority of them deals with institutional questions, the interpretation of Art. 50 of Treaty on European Union; the constitutional matters at national UK level; future relation between EU and UK and political bargaining behind such as all that. The question of impact on withdrawal on Euratom membership is somehow underrepresented. Present paper attempts to fill this gap and accelerate the scholarly debate on this matter globally, because all consequences of Brexit already have and will definitely give rise to more world-wide effects.

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