scholarly journals Migracje wielokrotne w Europie: polscy migranci w Wielkiej Brytanii, Holandii, Irlandii i Niemczech

2020 ◽  
Vol 46 (2 (176)) ◽  
pp. 7-29
Author(s):  
Barbara Jancewicz ◽  
Justyna Salamońska
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
Dominant Role ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Polish Migrants ◽  
Access To Data ◽  
Selection Mechanisms

Multiple migrations in Europe: Polish migrants in the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Ireland and Germany Traditionally, research on migration studied one-directional flows of people occurring between the country of origin and a single destination country. Few studies go beyond this framework, mainly due to limited access to data. The aim of this article is a broader analysis of multiple migration, i.e. migration sequences, returns and re-emigrations, in particular to next destination countries. This is made possible thanks to the National Polish Bank survey of Polish migrants residing in the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Ireland and Germany in 2016. Analysing the results of this survey, we estimate that multiple migrants constitute around 11 % of all Polish migrants. We analyse the profile of Polish multiple migrants, as opposed to other migrants, and we compare the profile of multiple migrants in various countries. We find some similarities in the profiles of multiple migrants in the four countries, however this is not a homogeneous group, probably due to various selection mechanisms operating for the destination countries involved. In addition, we describe the destinations for multiple migrations of Poles and we point to the dominant role of the European Union Member States as destinations. Keywords: Multiple migration, Polish migration, European Union Streszczenie Tradycyjnie badania nad migracjami dotyczyły jednokierunkowych przepływów ludności z kraju pochodzenia do poszczególnych krajów pobytu. Niewiele badań wybiegało poza te ramy, głównie z powodu ograniczonego dostępu do danych. Celem tego artykułu jest szersza analiza, odnosząca się do migracji wielokrotnych, to jest sekwencji migracji, powrotów i powtórnej migracji, w szczególności do kolejnych krajów docelowych. Jest to możliwe na podstawie danych pochodzących z sondażu Narodowego Banku Polskiego na temat polskich migrantów mieszkających w Wielkiej Brytanii, Holandii, Irlandii oraz Niemczech w 2016 roku. Analizując wyniki tego sondażu szacujemy, że migranci wielokrotni stanowią około 11% wszystkich polskich migrantów. Porównujemy profil polskich migrantów wielokrotnych z profilem pozostałych migrantów oraz dokonujemy porównań wewnątrz grupy migrantów wielokrotnych. Odnajdujemy pewne podobieństwa pomiędzy profilami migrantów wielokrotnych w czterech krajach. Równocześnie wskazujemy jednak, że nie jest to grupa jednorodna, prawdopodobnie ze względu na zróżnicowane mechanizmy selekcji do różnych krajów docelowych. Ponadto przedstawiamy kierunki geograficzne migracji wielokrotnych Polaków oraz wskazujemy na dominującą rolę krajów Unii Europejskiej dla tych migracji. * Niniejszy artykuł powstał w ramach współpracy dwóch projektów finansowanych przez Narodowe Centrum Nauki (NCN): ‘W poszukiwaniu teorii migracji wielokrotnych. Ilościowe i jakościowe badanie polskich migrantów po 1989 roku’ (SONATA BIS, ID: 2015/18/E/HS4/00497)) oraz ‘Wpływ akumulacji własności przez migrantów ekonomicznych na ich mobilność i integrację: Polscy migranci w krajach Unii Europejskiej i w Australii’ (OPUS, ID: 2015/19/B/HS4/00364).

scholarly journals European identity of Scotland in the context of Brexit

2020 ◽  
pp. 157-177
Author(s):  
Mikhail Grabevnik
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
National Identity ◽  
European Identity ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Soft Or ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Key Factor

The withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union focused the issue of cleavage of British statehood by European criteria. According to the results of sociological surveys and polls, the distribution of preferences of Brexit is correlated with the national identification matrix. Most Scots and Irish of United Kingdom support remaining the membership in the European Union, while the most English defend soft or hard Brexit. However, the depth of such cleavage underlines the uncertainty in the preferences of citizens who identify as British in general. In the context of the United Kingdom's withdrawal from the European Union, the question of the European identity of Scots was also underlines by Scotland's regional political actors. This article is aimed to the analysis of the dynamics of the European identity of the Scottish community in 2016–2020 under Brexit conditions. The author concludes that the share of Scots with European identities increased after 2016, and Brexit was a key factor in the dynamics. At the same time, the actualization of European identity among the Scottish community is connected with the pragmatic strategy of the Scottish community and regional political actors to neutralize the negative economic and social effects of Brexit and plays an instrumental role in the national and European political arenas. The article starts with an excursion to the issues of national identity in the modern United Kingdom in the studies of Western and Russian authors. Then, based on an analysis of sociological data, the question of the European identity of Scots was raised, as well as the role of the national identity of United Kingdom citizens in the issue of membership in the European Union. At the end of the article, author proposes the description of the position and strategy of the Scottish community on the issue of Brexit.

scholarly journals BREXIT AS A MANIFESTATION OF THE CRISIS OF LIBERAL DEMOCRACY IN THE UNITED KINGDOM

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The World ◽  
Populist Movements

The publication is devoted to the analysis of the UK exit from the European Union as a manifestation of the systemic crisis of the liberal democracy model. The causes and difficulties of this process are analyzed under the conditions of the failure of the political system to make political decisions. The problematic issues of liberal ideology and the model of liberal democracy were examined. The differences in the ideological convictions of the two founders of liberalism – Thomas Hobbes and John Locke, as well as the role of these differences in the modern functioning of liberal democracy in the United Kingdom. The role of globalization processes in the world in the context of the development and functioning of liberal democracy is analyzed. Some features of the course of globalization processes in the world are highlighted. The features of the existence of the European Union as an international supranational organization in the context of its influence on the functioning and stability of the political system of the United Kingdom are examined. The features of the functioning of the model of liberal democracy under conditions of strengthening the international way of making political, economic and legal decisions are emphasized. Particular attention is paid to the political motives of organizing of start of the process of the UK’s exit from the European Union, as well as the consequences of such a decision. In addition, the role of populist movements in this process, that have Euro-skeptical positions, has been established. The features of the functioning of populist movements are highlighted. The essence of the crisis of the model of liberal democracy in the United Kingdom is determined. The author analyzes the risks of the United Kingdom leaving the European Union in the context of a peace settlement of the conflict in Northern Ireland as one of the indicators of the crisis of the liberal political system. In conclusion is performed analysis of some results of the referendum on the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union.

scholarly journals More Gender Equality, More Homogamy? A Cohort Comparison in Six European Countries

2017 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 453-480
Author(s):  
Julie Falcon ◽  
Dominique Joye
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
Educational Attainment ◽  
Gender Equality ◽  
Labour Force ◽  
European Countries ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Educational Homogamy ◽  
The United Kingdom

Abstract We study whether educational homogamy has increased following the rise of women’s educational attainment and of egalitarian couples in France, Germany, the Netherlands, Spain, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. From the analysis of data from the European Union and Swiss Labour Force Surveys over a 15-year period (1999–2013), we observe that educational homogamy did not increase across cohorts, although we find substantial differences in the degree of homogamy according to couple arrangements.

Flexibility—The Experience So Far

2000 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 479-498
Author(s):  
John A. Usher
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
European Community ◽  
Extensive Literature ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Amsterdam Treaty ◽  
Article 5 ◽  
Treaty Of Amsterdam

The choice of the word “flexibility” in the title of this paper rather than the term “closer co-operation” introduced by the Treaty of Amsterdam is not accidental: since the general Amsterdam provisions on closer co-operation have not so far been used, a paper on the experience of those provisions since their entry into force would be very short—even if they have given rise to an extensive literature. It should nevertheless be remembered that under the terms of the Amsterdam Treaty itself there are situations where those provisions are deemed to have been used: under Article 1 of the Protocol Integrating the Schengen acquis into the Framework of the European Union, Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Greece, Spain, France, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Austria, Portugal, Finland and Sweden, as signatories to the Schengen agreements, are “authorised to establish closer co-operation among themselves” within the scope of those agreements and related provisions; furthermore, under Article 5 of that Protocol, where either Ireland or the United Kingdom or both have not notified the President of the Council in writing within a reasonable period that they wish to take part, “the authorisation referred to in Article 11 of the Treaty establishing the European Community or Article 40 of the Treaty on European Union shall be deemed to have been granted to the Member States referred to in Article 1 and to Ireland or the United Kingdom where either of them wishes to take part in the areas of co-operation in question”.

Flexibility—The Experience So Far

2000 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 479-498 ◽  
Author(s):  
John A. Usher
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
European Community ◽  
Extensive Literature ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Amsterdam Treaty ◽  
Article 5 ◽  
Treaty Of Amsterdam

The choice of the word “flexibility” in the title of this paper rather than the term “closer co-operation” introduced by the Treaty of Amsterdam is not accidental: since the general Amsterdam provisions on closer co-operation have not so far been used, a paper on the experience of those provisions since their entry into force would be very short—even if they have given rise to an extensive literature. It should nevertheless be remembered that under the terms of the Amsterdam Treaty itself there are situations where those provisions are deemed to have been used: under Article 1 of the Protocol Integrating the Schengen acquis into the Framework of the European Union, Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Greece, Spain, France, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Austria, Portugal, Finland and Sweden, as signatories to the Schengen agreements, are “authorised to establish closer co-operation among themselves” within the scope of those agreements and related provisions; furthermore, under Article 5 of that Protocol, where either Ireland or the United Kingdom or both have not notified the President of the Council in writing within a reasonable period that they wish to take part, “the authorisation referred to in Article 11 of the Treaty establishing the European Community or Article 40 of the Treaty on European Union shall be deemed to have been granted to the Member States referred to in Article 1 and to Ireland or the United Kingdom where either of them wishes to take part in the areas of co-operation in question”.

An Introduction to the Series

2011 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 267-271
Author(s):  
JHR
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
Constitutional Law ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Alphabetical Order ◽  
Member States ◽  
The United Kingdom

Seven of the member states of the European Union are monarchies. They are, in alphabetical order, Belgium, Denmark, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom. It is to these European monarchies that the European Constitutional Law Review dedicates a series of articles. Its aim is to find answers to questions regarding their current organization and legitimation, the (remaining) monarchical competences or powers and the republican ‘opposition’. The overriding aim is to see what the Union means for them and how monarchies can survive constitutionally in the European Union (if at all).

Euratom and Brexit: Could the United Kingdom Maintain One Foot in the European Union? Current Scenarios and Future Prospects of British withdrawal from the EAEC

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-151
Author(s):  
Andrea Circolo ◽  
Ondrej Hamuľák
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Independent Solution ◽  
Legal Regulation ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Status ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Energy Community ◽  
The Impact

Abstract The paper focuses on the very topical issue of conclusion of the membership of the State, namely the United Kingdom, in European integration structures. The ques­tion of termination of membership in European Communities and European Union has not been tackled for a long time in the sources of European law. With the adop­tion of the Treaty of Lisbon (2009), the institute of 'unilateral' withdrawal was intro­duced. It´s worth to say that exit clause was intended as symbolic in its nature, in fact underlining the status of Member States as sovereign entities. That is why this institute is very general and the legal regulation of the exercise of withdrawal contains many gaps. One of them is a question of absolute or relative nature of exiting from integration structures. Today’s “exit clause” (Art. 50 of Treaty on European Union) regulates only the termination of membership in the European Union and is silent on the impact of such a step on membership in the European Atomic Energy Community. The presented paper offers an analysis of different variations of the interpretation and solution of the problem. It´s based on the independent solution thesis and therefore rejects an automa­tism approach. The paper and topic is important and original especially because in the multitude of scholarly writings devoted to Brexit questions, vast majority of them deals with institutional questions, the interpretation of Art. 50 of Treaty on European Union; the constitutional matters at national UK level; future relation between EU and UK and political bargaining behind such as all that. The question of impact on withdrawal on Euratom membership is somehow underrepresented. Present paper attempts to fill this gap and accelerate the scholarly debate on this matter globally, because all consequences of Brexit already have and will definitely give rise to more world-wide effects.

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