scholarly journals Optional agreement in Santiago Tz’utujil (Mayan) is syntactic

2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 329-355
Author(s):  
Theodore Levin ◽  
Paulina Lyskawa ◽  
Rodrigo Ranero

Abstract Some Mayan languages display optional verbal agreement with 3pl arguments (Dayley1985; Henderson2009; England2011). Focusing on novel data from Santiago Tz’utujil (ST), we demonstrate that this optionality is not reducible to phonological or morphological factors. Rather, the source of optionality is in the syntax. Specifically, the distinction between arguments generated in the specifier position and arguments generated in the complement position governs the pattern. Only base-complements control agreement optionally; base-specifiers control agreement obligatorily. We provide an analysis in which optional agreement results from the availability of two syntactic representations (DP vs. reduced nominal argument). Thus, while the syntactic operation Agree is deterministic, surface optionality arises when the operation targets two different sized goals.

1998 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Donohue
Keyword(s):  

2000 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martha J. Macri

Yucatecan, Ch’olan, and Tzeltalan languages have numeral classifiers which obligatorily follow numbers. Although such classifiers are not present in every number expression, several numeral classifiers occur frequently in the Classic Maya inscriptions. The most common of them, the period glyphs, constitute a feature which distinguishes Maya inscriptions from Mixe-Zoquean inscriptions, since the classifiers required in Mayan languages do not occur in Mixe-Zoquean languages. Any glyph immediately following bar/dot numbers should be examined carefully for that possibility. Several morphemes which immediately follow numbers are discussed here, and evaluated for the likelihood of their having functioned as classifiers.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-185 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna M. Babel

Abstract This article describes the use of aspirates and ejectives in a variety of Spanish with significant Quechua contact influence that is spoken in the Santa Cruz valleys of central Bolivia. Aspirates and ejectives occur primarily on Quechua loanwords, making these ‘intermediate phonological relationships’ (Hall 2013) that are hard to categorize with respect to their status as phonetic vs. phonological features. Results from a small-scale perception and shadowing task show that language users are able to distinguish between these sounds and canonical Spanish consonants in minimal pairs, but that there is variation among speakers in the way these sounds are reproduced. While the use of aspirates and glottal stops in Spanish in contact with Mayan languages has been documented (Michnowicz 2015; Michnowicz and Kagan 2016) previous studies of Andean Spanish phonology have not reported the use of aspirates and ejectives as part of the sound system (Boynton 1981; Cassano 1974; Pyle 1981).


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 313-338 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clara Cohen

A small but growing body of research on English and Dutch has found that pronunciation of affixes in a word form is sensitive to paradigmatic probability – i.e., the probability of using that form over other words in the same morphological paradigm. Yet it remains unclear (a) how paradigmatic probability is best measured; (b) whether an increase in paradigmatic probability leads to phonetic enhancement or reduction; and (c) by what mechanism paradigmatic probability can affect pronunciation. The current work examines pronunciation variation of Russian verbal agreement suffixes. I show that there are two distinct patterns of variation, corresponding to two different measures of paradigmatic probability. One measure, pairwise paradigmatic probability, is associated with a pronunciation pattern that resembles phonetic enhancement. The second measure, lexeme paradigmatic probability, can show enhancement effects, but can also yield reduction effects more similar to those of contextual probability. I propose that these two patterns can be explained in an exemplar model of lexical storage. Reduction effects are the consequence of faster retrieval and encoding of an articulatory target, while effects that resemble enhancement result when the pronunciation target of both members of a pair of competing word forms is shifted towards the more frequent of two.


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 1613
Author(s):  
Josilene De Jesus Mendonça ◽  
Andréia Silva Araujo

Abstract: We present results of a comparative study of beliefs about (i) the pronominal forms a gente (“we”) and tu (“you”) and (ii) the social evaluation of nonstandard verbal agreement with these two pronouns by a group of students from the Federal University of Sergipe (Itabaiana-SE). We discuss the methodological advances in the use of the Iramuteq software, through a multidimensional analysis of beliefs and linguistic attitudes. A survey was designed to measure the attitudes towards the following grammatical patterns: i) a gente (“we”); ii) tu (“you”); iii) a gente vivemos (“we 1PL live 1PL”); and iv) tu vai (“you 2SG go 3SG”). The results reveal that the students’ perception of grammatical patterns is based on dimensions of standardization and vitality; they attribute two types of social values to the linguistic forms: cultural (common, habitual, strange, normal) and normative (correct, wrong). The form a gente vivemos (“we live-1PP”) seems to be the only one to which stigma is attached in the community. The results also reveal that the students link these forms to notions of social adequacy both to the interactional context and to the speech community. The analysis with Iramuteq represents a methodological advance for perception studies, by enabling comparability between the vocabulary used by the students and the linguistic forms under evaluation, and providing an objective, reliable statistical analysis.Keywords: grammatical patterns; variation; linguistic attitudes.Resumo: Apresentamos os resultados de um estudo comparativo entre crenças relativas às formas pronominais a gente e tu e a avaliação social da concordância não padrão com tais formas por um grupo de universitários da Universidade Federal de Sergipe. A partir de uma análise multidimensional das crenças por meio do Iramuteq, objetivamos discutir as vantagens metodológicas do uso desse software para estudos de atitudes linguísticas. Um questionário foi desenvolvido para mensurar as atitudes acerca dos seguintes padrões gramaticais: i) a gente; ii) tu; iii) a gente vivemos; e iv) tu vai. Os resultados evidenciam que a percepção dos universitários em relação aos padrões gramaticais considerados baseia-se nas dimensões de padronização e vitalidade, atribuindo às formas linguísticas dois tipos de valores sociais: cultural (comum, costume, estranho, normal) e normativo (correto, errado). Dentre as formas linguísticas avaliadas, apenas a gente vivemos parece carregar estigma na comunidade, com avaliação negativa. Os resultados mostram também que os universitários atrelam o uso dos padrões gramaticais avaliados à noção de normas sociais de adequação ao contexto interacional e à comunidade de fala. A análise com o Iramuteq representa um ganho metodológico para os estudos de percepção, pois, além de permitir a comparabilidade entre o vocabulário utilizado pelos participantes e as formas linguísticas sob avaliação, oferece uma análise estatisticamente sólida, confiável e objetiva.Palavras-chave: padrões gramaticais; variação; atitudes linguísticas.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1529
Author(s):  
Jeremi Korayan ◽  
Gunawan Djajaputra

As a legal subject, Umroh organizing agency has the legal responsibility of Umroh congregation, responsibilities relating to the concept of legal obligations. A person is legally responsible for a particular act or that he or she assumes legal liability means that he or she is responsible for a sanction in the event of a conflicting action. From legal aspect, Umroh organizing agency's legal responsibility can be seen from civil, criminal, and administrative aspects. Many of the Umroh organizing agency although it has permission from the government but in its implementation is not in accordance with the provisions set forth in the legislation regulating the implementation of Hajj and Umroh. This can result in losses for pilgrims who use the umroh organizing agency. For example, in practice, many Umroh organizing angency do not give written agreements. The agreement is usually done with a verbal agreement promising. Therefore, when the rights and obligations of the parties is not met, there is no authentic evidence to prosecute and no limits on liability. Actually, a written contract is regulated and stipulated in Article 45 of Law. 13/2008 on Organizing Haj Pilgrimage to Mecca. Thus the form of agreement of appointment of departure between the Umroh organizers agency with prospective pilgrims so that umroh can be known various responsibilities of the umroh organizers agency in case of incompatibility between the agreement with the realization.


2014 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-288
Author(s):  
Stefan Keine ◽  
Trupti Nisar ◽  
Rajesh Bhatt

We describe and analyze the previously undocumented verbal agreement system of Kutchi (Indo-Aryan). We argue that Kutchi instantiates a novel type of split ergativity. First, it exhibits an aspect split in that agreement in non-perfective clauses behaves on a par with agreement in intransitive perfective clauses, in stark contrast to transitive perfective clauses. A striking property of Kutchi is that these asymmetries manifest themselves in the richness of agreement. In the former configurations, the verb agrees with the subject for person, number and gender. In the latter, on the other hand, agreement is systematically defective and reliable fails to cross-references certain φ-features. In addition to this aspect split, Kutchi displays a person split: While the verb normally agrees with the subject, it surprisingly fails to do so in transitive perfective clauses with a 1st person subject. Instead, it is the object that triggers agreement in these configurations, likewise in a defective manner. We will argue that these agreement asymmetries are syntactic in nature rather than morphological. Our analysis builds on, and extends, previous work by Laka (2006) and Coon (2010).


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