scholarly journals Was the Alternative to the Cold War Possible? (To 75 anniversary of Great Victory and the creation of the UN). Article two

2020 ◽  
Vol 99 (6) ◽  
pp. 5-14
Author(s):  
Alexey Gromyko ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Extended Period ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
The Us ◽  
Subjective Factor ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Second World

The article continues the research of the “big three” strategic thinking, especially the USSR and the USA, during the Second World War, their contribution to the post-war settlement with the United Nations as a key element. Their approaches to new mechanisms of global governance were developing on parallel and overlapping courses. On the chronology of the Cold War, the author proposes to define its start as an extended period from 1945 until the end of the decade. This methodology avoids absolutization of intentions, separate events and statements. Instead it imbeds them in the process of political-military structures’ construction, designed for regional and global confrontation. The attention is paid to the role of the subjective factor in transition of the “big three” from cooperation to the Cold War. The meaning of the Iranian crisis is demonstrated as an additional source of the Cold War’s premises. The author reveals the milieu of conflicting views in the US political establishment on the legacy of the “Roosevelt course” including the nuclear factor. The conclusion is drawn that in the years of the Second World War great powers pursued long-term policy towards the post-war settlement putting aside political conjuncture.

scholarly journals CZECHOSLOVAKIA AND HUNGARY AT THE BRUSSELS EXPO OF 1958- NATIONALISM IN THE DISPLAY OF SOCIALIST MODERNITY AND THE GLOBAL CULTURAL POLITICS OF THE COLD WAR.

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arkaprabha Pal
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Avant Garde ◽  
New Man ◽  
Small Countries ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Second World

The Brussels EXPO of 1958 was envisioned by its organisers as a platform to renew the intellectual, spiritual and moral powers of humanism after the horrors of the Second World War. In its post-War setting, it aimed to promote the new Man by crossing the anxious binaries of Cold War politics. In reality, however, it fed on these very anxieties with the USA and USSR using art, technology, architectural designs to further the propaganda of their respective competing antagonistic political worldview. But, some small countries like the Soviet satellite states of Czechoslovakia and Hungary made a significant impact through their pavilions on the millions of visitors. The death of Stalin in 1953 followed by the comparatively liberal policies of Khrushchev and the consequent political disturbances in Hungary and, political reforms in Czechoslovakia determined the content and styling of the pavilions at the Expo. Both the countries marked a shift from socialist realism and posited themselves through art, architecture or technological displays which were more abstract, innovative, individualistic, existential, humanistic and even avant-garde. Moreover, the local, regional, ethnic and even the national were strongly emphasized in the pavilions, some of which at times were bereft of the traditional symbolism of a socialist state. The emphasis on the national illustrated the contradictions in the ideology and action of politics in these east and central European countries in the light of the post-Stalinist era. These contradictions, not only helped to realign the dominance of socialism internally, but had global implications and intentions in the cultural Cold War, which were played out through the content and styling of the pavilions at the expo in Brussels.

Émigré Politics and the Cold War: The National Labor Alliance (NTS), United States Intelligence Agencies and Post-War Europe

2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-59
Author(s):  
Benjamin Tromly
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Interwar Period ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Political Strategies ◽  
World War ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Second World

AbstractThis article examines the post-war activities of the National Labor Alliance (NTS), a far-right Russian exile organisation whose members had served in German intelligence and propaganda structures during the Second World War. Using declassified CIA documents and previously untapped sources pertaining to NTS, it analyses the transformation of a semi-fascistic, collaborationist and anti-Semitic organisation into a Cold War asset of the CIA. The NTS played a role in shaping its association with US power by applying deceptive political strategies it had adopted during the interwar period and the Second World War to the new geopolitical context of divided Europe.

scholarly journals NON-ALIGNMENT MOVEMENT: IT’S RELEVANCE IN PRESENT CONTEXT

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (6) ◽  
pp. 272-279
Author(s):  
Balwinder Singh
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Third World ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World Politics ◽  
World War ◽  
The Us ◽  
Present Context ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Second World

After the end of Second World War, the two power bloc was raising in world politics and the revelry between the blocs was on top. The Cold War politics emerged as a bitter experience of international relations. Both blocs were mollifying the other countries of the world. It had to become stronger because of many newly independent countries. For the sake their independence many countries choose the third path to avoiding war and keeping their independence, they framed NAM (Non-alignment Movement). Most of these countries was belong to Asia and Africa and also newly independent. The US (United States) and European countries criticized NAM and revoked it as a group of opportunist countries. The NAM emerged as an international platform as a third alternative of two power blocs. The NAM was the international phenomenon of developing and third world countries. Non-alignment grew out of the cold war bitter relationship between US and USSR. Some developing and third world newly independent countries refused to post Second World War world politics through the eyes of their erstwhile colonial rulers. Indian Prime Minister Nehru was one of the paramount leaders of NAM since its inception. After the demise of British rule in India, India also refused to join any bloc in Cold War time. Nehru did not want to enter in two bloc politics due to India’s national interests. He thought that Indian independence could diminish if India going toward any blocs and adopted Non-alignment as an instrument of foreign policy. He also made effort to discuss other world leader to formulate NAM as platform of collective voice of newly independence countries. The paper also aims to explain India’s contribution to the Non-alignment Movement. The first formal conference of NAM was in Bandung in 1961. Nehru and others NAM leaders uttered against new imperialism in Asia and Africa in Bandung Summit by the western countries. Some countries raise questions about the importance and relevance of NAM and produce it as a callous movement after the end of the Cold War. However the broader membership of NAM proved its relevance and importance. Most of the world countries adopted NAM membership due to its popularity and momentous agenda. While the Cold War strategic environment underestimates Non-alignment movement and the two power blocs tried to demoralize Non-alignment movement, however the Non-alignment movement was accomplishing their work with a greater momentum. Non-alignment, both as a foreign policy perspective of most newly independence states of Asia, Africa and Latin America and as well as an international movement was a critical factor of contemporary international relations. The Non-alignment movement was the collective voice of developing and third world countries since the first official meeting of its leaders in Belgrade in 1961. The policy of the Non-alignment has been being the issue of debate in international politics since its origin. In 1970’s, its importance and relevance had questioned, with the emergence of détente in international relations. The US and European countries did not consider the NAM movement at that time. Both power blocs were also questioned the role of NAM in cold war era. The western countries always tagged NAM as a collaboration of opportunist countries. It was such a big thing that NAM survived in fracas of cold war. The study tried to remove skepticism on Non-alignment and NAM in post-Cold War arena. It is also suggesting a new way for making the movement effective and relevant in present context.

scholarly journals The Birth of the Post-War World: Planning and Realities (To 75 Anniversary of the Great Victory and the creation of the UNO. Article one)

2020 ◽  
pp. 19-32
Author(s):  
Alexey Gromyko ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Second World War ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
World War ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Unique Nature ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Second World

The article is dedicated to the 75-th anniversaries since the end of the Second World War and the creation of the United Nations. The author explores the evolution of key ideas, including the contribution of the Soviet diplomatic strategy, on the post-war world and interaction among the great powers. Special attention is drawn to the phenomenon of the ―Roosevelt course‖ and the atmosphere in the Soviet-American relations during the war. The main approaches of the allies’ diplomacy towards principles of post-war cooperation are analysed. It is shown that the emergence of the Cold War was not inevitable and did not correspond to the national interests of great powers. In the course of the war their vision was based mainly on pragmatism and security interests rather than on antagonistic ideologies. In terms of chronology the start of the Cold War is proposed to attribute not to a concrete year but to a period from 1945 to the end of the decade. The author underlines the outstanding and unique nature of the UN as the most enduring legacy of the Second World War, which has not lost its acute role in 2020. This research will be continued in the next paper by the author.

scholarly journals Greater Self-Assertion and Nationalism in Japan

2005 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 8-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kazuhiko Togo
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
The Past ◽  
Conservative Government ◽  
The Us ◽  
Defence Policy ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Second World

Out of the deep spiritual vacuum from defeat in the Second World War, two fundamental rifts emerged in Japan. First, on the foreign policy front, the realism embraced by the conservative government was opposed by strong idealistic pacifism advocated by opposition parties and media, and this rift continued until the end of the Cold War. Second, with regard to the war in Asia, the Japanese gradually learned of atrocities committed, for which Japan owed an apology. However, views prevailing at the time to totally reject the past caused discomfort aming many Japanese, and the issue of lost identity was left unanswered during the Cold War. When the Cold War ended, Japan began to move towords a more responsible and self-assertive security and defence policy. A series of initiatives toward clearer apology and reconciliation were confronted by a strengthened nationalism, and the issue of lost identity remained unresolved at the end of the 1990s. Koizumi has done well to implement a more responsible, proactive, realistic and self-assertive security and defence policy; moreover relations with the US have been considerably strengthened. But in East Asia, the issue of lost identity has reappeared and foreign policy towards Russia, Korea and China has resulted in a hardning of Japan's position in the region. Japan needs to have the courage to overcome this unresolved issue, while other countries' greater understanding of Japan's move toward a re-established identity will facilitate this process. Genuine dialogue is needed on all fronts.

Dutch Communism in Transition: The Unfolding of a National Cold War during Political Reconstruction, 1944–8

2017 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 1042-1062
Author(s):  
Tijn Sinke
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Dutch Politics ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Natural Outcome ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Second World

Within three years after the Second World War, the wartime alliance between the Western Allies and the Soviet Union, and between communist and bourgeois resistance forces, had collapsed. By 1948, Dutch communists found themselves in total isolation. Historians have generally treated this phenomenon in light of the ‘restoration’ of pre-war structures – including anticommunist attitudes – or by interpreting the Cold War as an international phenomenon ‘imposed’ on Dutch society. Neither view pays sufficient attention to the contingency of transition politics and the power struggle that was fought between 1944 and 1948. My project focuses on the Dutch Communist Party’s (CPN) attempt to forge a political breakthrough by forming a front of progressive forces against the ‘reaction’, and on the responses of non-communist political and intellectual actors. Instead of interpreting the 1948 stalemate as a ‘natural’ outcome, this article highlights the combination of historical anticommunism, dynamics of transition politics and strategic solidification that accounts for the emergence of the Dutch Cold War. The reinvention of the rules of Dutch politics during political reconstruction ultimately led to the ruination of the post-war communist breakthrough. This resembles the process going on in other European countries, but with important unique features.

The Unassailable Self: Freud's Image Among Post-war American Intellectuals

2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine Jenness
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Cold War ◽  
External Force ◽  
Sigmund Freud ◽  
Human Being ◽  
World War ◽  
The Us ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Way

This paper explores the way American intellectuals depicted Sigmund Freud during the peak of popularity and prestige of psychoanalysis in the US, roughly the decade and a half following World War II. These intellectuals insisted upon the unassailability of Freud's mind and personality. He was depicted as unsusceptible to any external force or influence, a trait which was thought to account for Freud's admirable comportment as a scientist, colleague and human being. This post-war image of Freud was shaped in part by the Cold War anxiety that modern individuality was imperilled by totalitarian forces, which could only be resisted by the most rugged of selves. It was also shaped by the unique situation of the intellectuals themselves, who were eager to position themselves, like the Freud they imagined, as steadfastly independent and critical thinkers who would, through the very clarity of their thought, lead America to a more robust democracy.

scholarly journals Taming the Expellee Threat in Post–1945 Europe: Lessons from the Two Germanies and Finland

2005 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
PERTTI AHONEN
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Second World War ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Social Changes ◽  
Integration Process ◽  
World War ◽  
Forced Migrants ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Second World

This article analyses the process through which the dangers posed by millions of forced migrants were defused in continental Europe after the Second World War. Drawing on three countries – West Germany, East Germany and Finland – it argues that broad, transnational factors – the cold war, economic growth and accompanying social changes – were crucial in the process. But it also contends that bloc-level and national decisions, particularly those concerning the level of autonomous organisational activity and the degree and type of political and administrative inclusion allowed for the refugees, affected the integration process in significant ways and helped to produce divergent national outcomes.

Democracy and Dictatorship in the Cold War: the Two Germanies, 1949–1961

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew I. Port
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Upheaval ◽  
German States ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Second World

The ‘long 1950s’ was a decade of conspicuous contrasts: a time of dismantling and reconstruction, economic and political, as well as cultural and moral; a time of Americanization and Sovietization; a time of upheaval amid a desperate search for stability. But above all, it was a time for both forgetting and coming to terms with the recent past. This article focuses on the two forms of government that controlled Germany, democracy, and dictatorship. The Cold War was without doubt the main reason for the rapid rehabilitation and integration of the two German states, which more or less took place within a decade following the end of the Second World War. This article further elaborates upon the political conditions under dictatorship and its effect on the social life. East Germany, under the Soviet control underwent as much political upheaval. It was not until the second half of the twentieth century that Germany became a democracy.

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