Japan in 2009: A Historic Election Year

Events in 2008 suggest that the Koizumi era is over and the Liberal Democratic Party will lose the lower house election that must be called before its current term expires in September 2009. The Democratic Party of Japan became the favorite to win the election and laid out the new domestic and foreign policy directions in which it will take Japan.

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Japan in 2007: A Divided Government

Asian Survey ◽

10.1525/as.2008.48.1.97 ◽

2008 ◽

Vol 48 (1) ◽

pp. 97-106 ◽

Cited By ~ 2

Author(s):

Kristi Govella ◽

Steven Vogel

Keyword(s):

Democratic Party ◽

Liberal Democratic Party ◽

Domestic Policy ◽

Divided Government ◽

Liberal Democratic ◽

Policy Debates ◽

Lower House ◽

House Election

The ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) suffered a stunning defeat in the July 2007 upper house elections, creating an unprecedented situation in which the LDP-led coalition lost its majority in the upper house while retaining a two-thirds majority in the lower house. In this new environment of ““divided government”” Japanese style, the LDP and the opposition jockeyed for advantage in foreign and domestic policy debates while preparing for a critical confrontation in the next lower house election.

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Japan's Postal Privatization Battle: The Continuing Reverberations for the Liberal Democratic Party of Rebels-Assassins Conflicts

Asian Survey ◽

10.1525/as.2008.48.4.603 ◽

2008 ◽

Vol 48 (4) ◽

pp. 603-625

Author(s):

Matthew Carlson

Keyword(s):

Political Parties ◽

Democratic Party ◽

Campaign Finance ◽

Liberal Democratic Party ◽

General Election ◽

Electoral Rules ◽

Liberal Democratic ◽

Lower House ◽

House Election

Abstract This article argues that the use of campaign finance regulations and electoral rules by political parties significantly shaped the results of the 2005 general election and the battle over postal privatization in Japan. How the Liberal Democratic Party responds to the reverberations of the conflict between the so-called ““rebels”” and ““assassins”” is likely to affect its electoral fortunes in the next lower house election.

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The DPJ and Women: The Limited Impact of the 2009 Alternation of Power on Policy and Governance

Journal of East Asian Studies ◽

10.1017/s1598240800008092 ◽

2012 ◽

Vol 12 (3) ◽

pp. 441-466 ◽

Cited By ~ 8

Author(s):

Alisa Gaunder

Keyword(s):

Democratic Party ◽

Party System ◽

Critical Mass ◽

Liberal Democratic Party ◽

Electoral Incentives ◽

Female Candidates ◽

Liberal Democratic ◽

Lower House ◽

House Election ◽

Veto Points

The Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) saw forty of its forty-six female candidates elected in the 2009 lower house election; twenty-six were first-time candidates. Recently, both the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and the DPJ have supported more women as “change” candidates in response to changing electoral incentives that favor broad appeals. The DPJ's victory, however, has not had a large impact on women in terms of governance or policy. An exploration of child allowance, day care provision, and dual surname legislation under the DPJ reveals that low seniority and the lack of a critical mass have prevented DPJ women from overcoming significant veto points. The electoral incentives of the emerging two-party system have resulted in a larger number of women in office, but the volatility of the system has sustained a weak voice for women in policymaking.

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Constitution will overshadow Japan election campaign

Emerald Expert Briefings ◽

10.1108/oxan-db208503 ◽

2016 ◽

Keyword(s):

Democratic Party ◽

Social Inclusion ◽

Public Support ◽

Liberal Democratic Party ◽

Party Politics ◽

Content Type ◽

Liberal Democratic ◽

House Election ◽

Voting Age ◽

First Time

Subject The outlook for legislation and party politics ahead of the July upper house election. Significance Now in his fourth year as prime minister, Shinzo Abe enjoys strong public support and faces no serious challenger. In an upper house election in July, his Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) hopes to capture enough seats to call a referendum on revising the constitution -- Abe's ultimate political aim. Impacts Abe will use Japan's hosting of the G7 summit in May to present himself as a world statesman. A new emphasis on welfare and social inclusion will not come at the expense of the LDP's traditional pro-business policies. TPP ratification is likely before May. With the voting age lowered for the first time to 18, the more socially progressive but less pacificist youth vote becomes more important.

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THE U.S. – JAPAN RELATIONS UNDER THE ADMINISTRATION OF DONALD TRUMP

Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv History ◽

10.17721/1728-2640.2021.148.5 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 29-36

Author(s):

N. Gorodnia

Keyword(s):

Democratic Party ◽

Liberal Democratic Party ◽

Trade Agreement ◽

Clean Energy ◽

Donald Trump ◽

Environmental Initiatives ◽

Regional Energy ◽

Liberal Democratic ◽

Security Relations ◽

The U.S

This paper describes and discusses the major developments in the U.S.-Japan relations under the administration of Donald Trump (January 2017–January 2021) in political, commercial and economic, and energy areas. In political sphere, the research focuses on continuity and changes in the U.S. policy towards bilateral security alliance with Japan. The research has revealed that D. Trump's statements on security relations with allies and trade during his presidential campaign were cause for concern in Japan. To avoid their implementation, the prime-minister Shinzo Abe (Liberal Democratic Party) managed to establish close personal relations with Donald Trump and successfully navigated them until his resignation in September 2020. Importantly, Abe succeeded in separating issues of security and trade in a bilateral dialogue with the U.S. As a result, Trump's preelection statements on security with Japan had not been implemented. Moreover, the U.S.-Japan security cooperation strengthened based at the mutual support of "free and open Indo-Pacific" strategy. In commercial and economic area, new trade policies of Trump administration since 2018 had an impact on Japan. Abe failed to persuade D. Trump to return to multinational Trans Pacific Partnership free trade agreement. A large U.S. deficit in trade with Japan caused bilateral negotiations on trade issues. Their first stage was completed in September 2019. However, the trade agreement did not cover cars and auto parts, which composed 75 percent of Japan's export to the U.S. In energy sector, the focus of bilateral cooperation shifted from clean energy and environmental initiatives of Obama administration to energy security and integration of regional energy market in the Indo-Pacific. Two countries prioritized cooperation in Liquefied natural gas (LNG) sector, in which they had complementary interests. The policy of Shinzo Abe with respect to the U.S. was continued by the new government of Japan by Yoshihide Suga (Liberal Democratic Party).

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How Junichiro Koizumi seized the leadership of Japan's Liberal Democratic Party

Japanese Journal of Political Science ◽

10.1017/s1468109907002496 ◽

2007 ◽

Vol 8 (1) ◽

pp. 95-114 ◽

Cited By ~ 13

Author(s):

IKUO KABASHIMA ◽

GILL STEEL

Keyword(s):

Democratic Party ◽

Prime Minister ◽

Television News ◽

Liberal Democratic Party ◽

Selection Procedure ◽

Election Study ◽

Liberal Democratic ◽

House Election ◽

The Media

In this paper, we examine some of the ways in which Koizumi Junichiro took advantage of changes in television news to win the 2001 Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) presidential election and become prime minister of Japan. Koizumi adopted a strategy of political populism to increase his exposure in the media and develop a public reputation. Changes in the LDP selection procedure, in combination with long-term social and economic change and political reform, meant that the media mattered more to his campaign than had previously been the case. We use data from the Japan Election Study II (JES II) to show that the effects of Koizumi' media-driven popularity and style of politics reversed the LDP' electoral fortunes in the Upper House Election in 2001.

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Gender and Voting Preferences in Japanese Lower House Elections

Japanese Journal of Political Science ◽

10.1017/s1468109903001038 ◽

2003 ◽

Vol 4 (1) ◽

pp. 1-39

Author(s):

GILL STEEL

Keyword(s):

Gender Gap ◽

House Of Representatives ◽

Democratic Party ◽

Liberal Democratic Party ◽

Liberal Democratic ◽

Lower House ◽

Standards Of Living ◽

Voter Choice ◽

Gender Based ◽

Using Data

This paper analyzes voter choice in selected House of Representatives elections during the past 30 years. I estimate multinomial probit models using data from the Akarui Senkyo Suishin Kyokai (Society for the Promotion of Clean Elections) surveys and use qualitative data gathered in focus groups. I argue that no gender gap exists in the votes garnered by the main parties because, first, influential people are not simply able to ‘deliver’ votes from their networks — most accounts of voter choice fail to discuss gender, an oversight considering that most networks are gender-based — and, second, ‘women's issues’ have no special relevance to women in their vote choice. Instead, women and men vote for the Liberal Democratic Party because they associate the Party with stability and increased standards of living, including substantial social provisions.

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The Legislative Record: The Japan National Diet in 2004

Japanese Journal of Political Science ◽

10.1017/s1468109904001550 ◽

2004 ◽

Vol 5 (2) ◽

pp. 327-330

Author(s):

JUNKO HIROSE

Keyword(s):

Democratic Party ◽

Party System ◽

Liberal Democratic Party ◽

Conservative Party ◽

General Election ◽

Major Party ◽

Japanese Politics ◽

Liberal Democratic ◽

House Election

The general election in November 2003 and the Upper House election in July 2004 indicate that the Japanese politics is going from a one party dominant toward a two major party system. The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) narrowly keeps a majority in both Houses by merging the New Conservative Party and by forming a coalition with New Komeito.

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Japan's Upper House Election of 29 July 2001

Government and Opposition ◽

10.1111/1477-7053.00086 ◽

2002 ◽

Vol 37 (1) ◽

pp. 38-54 ◽

Cited By ~ 2

Author(s):

Takashi Inoguchi

Keyword(s):

Democratic Party ◽

Liberal Democratic Party ◽

Economic Problems ◽

Public Corporations ◽

Liberal Democratic ◽

House Election ◽

Previous Election

The Election For Japan'S House Of Councillors Took Place On 29 July 2001. The result was a resounding victory for the major governing party, the Liberal Democratic Party, with its majority regained after the failure in the previous election in 1998. The election was very interesting in two senses. First, the deepening difficulty of the economy did not prevent the LDP from making a comeback of sorts. Normally, the Japanese voters, like most others, reward the governing party when the economy goes well. Secondly, its newly chosen maverick President, Junichiro Koizumi, successfully adopted a rhetoric of ‘Reform with Pain’ for the ostensible reason of escaping Japan's dilemma: the impossibility of allowing many business firms and banks to go bankrupt without thereby aggravating economic problems and antagonizing the electorate; its inability to drastically reduce the large number of public corporations with large registered deficits; and its inability to drastically reduce huge accumulated deficits. He came, he saw and he won. ‘How?’ is the question that the rest of this article attempts to answer.

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