Copland in Argentina

2013 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 191-250 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carol A. Hess

Abstract Perhaps more than any other US composer, Aaron Copland is associated with Pan Americanism, a contradictory and often unbalanced set of practices promoting North-South economic and affective ties since the nineteenth century. Copland visited Latin America on behalf of the US government four times over the course of his career. He also befriended and taught Latin American composers, wrote about Latin American music, and composed several Latin-American—themed works, including the well-known El salón México. Focusing on one such encounter—Copland's three visits to Argentina (1941, 1947, 1963)—this article examines in detail Latin American opinion on Copland's cultural diplomacy, thus challenging the prevalent one-sided and largely US perspective. My analysis of these Spanish-language sources yields new biographical data on Copland while questioning recent assessments of his Latin American experience. I also illuminate the composer's conflicted approach to modernism, intimately connected to his desire to communicate with a broad public and to assert national identity. The crisis of modernism not only played itself out in some surprising ways in Argentina but also informed Copland's profoundly antimodernist vision of Latin American music, one rooted in essentialism and folkloric nationalism and which ultimately prevailed in the United States throughout the late twentieth century.

Tempo ◽  
1955 ◽  
pp. 4-5
Author(s):  
Aaron Copland

Caracas, Venezuela, unlike Paris, France, is a newcomer in the field of present day music. Nevertheless it recently succeeded in putting itself on the contemporary musical map—and with a bang. No one, not even Paris, had ever before thought of organising a festival of orchestral works by contemporary Latin American composers. This happened for the first time anywhere in Caracas, which is full of vitality at the moment, thanks to an oil-engendered prosperity. The town boasts of a good orchestra, a brand new open-air amphitheatre seating six thousand people, and a lively cultural organisation, the Institución José Angel Lamas, headed by Dr. Inocente Palacios. This musically minded enthusiast is the kind of Maecenas composers dream about. By enlisting the aid of the Venezuelan government and other private sources he managed to put on an event that will have historical significance in the annals of Ibero-American music. Within the space of two and a half weeks forty symphonic compositions originating in seven Latin American countries were performed in a series of eight concerts. This was a major effort for all concerned, especially for the courageous musicians of the Orquesta Sinfonica Venezuela and the Festival's principal conductors: Heitor Villa Lobos, Carlos Chávez, Juan José Castro, and Rios Reyna.


Author(s):  
Selfa A. Chew

The lives of Latin American Japanese were disrupted during World War II, when their civil and human rights were suspended. National security and continental defense were the main reasons given by the American countries consenting to their uprooting. More than 2,000 ethnic Japanese from Peru, Panama, Bolivia, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Ecuador, El Salvador, Mexico, and Nicaragua were transferred as “illegal aliens” to internment camps in the United States. Initially, US and Latin American agencies arrested and deported male ethnic Japanese, regardless of their citizenship status. During the second stage, women and children joined their relatives in the United States. Most forced migration originated in Peru. Brazil and Mexico established similar displacement programs, ordering the population of Japanese descent to leave the coastal zones, and in the case of Mexico the border areas. In both countries, ethnic Japanese were under strict monitoring and lost property, employment, and family and friend relationships, losses that affected their health and the opportunity to support themselves in many cases. Latin American Japanese in the United States remained in camps operated by the Immigration and Naturalization Service and the army for the duration of the war and were among the last internees leaving the detention facilities, in 1946. At the conclusion of World War II, the Latin American countries that had agreed to the expulsion of ethnic Japanese limited greatly their return. Some 800 internees were deported to Japan from the United States by the closure of the camps. Those who remained in North America were allowed to leave the camps to work in a fresh produce farm in Seabrook, New Jersey, without residency or citizenship rights. In 1952, immigration restrictions for former Latin American internees were lifted. Latin American governments have not apologized for the uprooting of the ethnic Japanese, while the US government has recognized it as a mistake. In 1988, the United States offered a symbolic compensation to all surviving victims of the internment camps in the amount of $20,000. In contrast, in 1991, Latin American Japanese survivors were granted only $5,000.


Author(s):  
Pablo Palomino

This chapter explains the pan-American absorption of Latin Americanism during World War II and the inception of the “world music” discourse that led to the creation of UNESCO. It focuses on the work of Charles Seeger as director of the Pan American Union’s Music Division from the years leading to the United States entry into the war to the immediate postwar years. The chapter analyzes a host of actors and initiatives, by the Pan American Union and other music-related associations, that influenced the consolidation of Latin American music and inter-Americanism as fields of musicological and educational practice. It illuminates the place of Latin American music in the convergence of nationalist traditions, hemispheric rhetoric, and global horizons among musicological and diplomatic actors as World War II came to an end.


Author(s):  
Pablo Palomino

This chapter tells the history of the German-born Uruguayan musicologist Francisco Curt Lange and the Latin-American Music Bulletin he created, a musicological project intended as a forum for musicians and music-related figures from all over Latin America, and the United States, interested in creating a regional field of musicological studies and musical promotion. It examines policies about disc collection, score printing and distribution, musical ethnographies, folklore, musical analysis, conferences, concerts, and regional institutions promoted by the Bulletin, and traces relevant aspects of Lange’s professional journey between Germany, Uruguay, Argentina, Brazil, and the United States, among other places. The chapter also highlights the changing place of the United States, both as a subject of musicological study and as a site of music-related hemispheric initiatives, in the history of this Latin Americanist project.


Notes ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 899
Author(s):  
Susan T. Sommer ◽  
John Storm Roberts

This book problematizes the notion of experimentalism as defined in conventional narratives about experimental musical practices. Contributors take a broad approach to a wide variety of Latin@ and Latin American music traditions conceived and/or perceived as experimental. The adoption of a plural “experimentalisms” points at a purposeful decentering of its usual US and Eurocentric interpretative frameworks. The case studies in this book contribute to this by challenging discourses about Latin@s and Latin Americans that have historically marginalized them. As such, the notion of “experimentalisms” works as a grouping, as a performative operation of sound, soundings, music, and musicking that gives social and historical meaning to the networks it temporarily conforms and situates. This book responds to recent efforts to reframe and reconceptualize the study of experimental music in terms of epistemological perspective and geographic scope, but also engages traditional scholarship about musical experimentalisms. Contributors provide important challenges in relation to the types of music that have been traditionally considered experimental and the reasons why scholars have adopted these perspectives. Included in this book are case studies localized in Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, México, Peru, and the United States, but with frequent regional, transnational, and postnational implications. This book contributes to the current conversations about music experimentalism while providing new points of entry to further reevaluate the field.


Tempo ◽  
1959 ◽  
pp. 25-28
Author(s):  
Gilbert Chase

Leaving the continent of South America we come to Panamá and the five Central American Republics. In Panamá we find a composer whose star is rapidly rising, Roque Cordero (b. 1917), previously mentioned as one of the prize-winners of the Caracas Festival. Cordero studied with Ernst Křenek in the United States on a Guggenheim Fellowship and became addicted to twelve-note writing, which, however, he employs freely rather than dogmatically. Like so many others, he began along the path of folkloristic nationalism with a Capricho Interiorano (1939) for orchestra, based on the mejorana, a typical Panamanian dance; continuing with the Panamanian Overture No. II, and the ballet Setetule, on themes of the Cuna Indians of Panamá. But his main trend has been towards subjective expression in symphonic form, initiated with his Symphony I (1945) and reaching its culmination to date in his Symphony II (in one movement), composed for the Caracas Festival in 1957. This is an intensely dramatic and emotional utterance, saved from mere rhetoric not only by its communicative sincerity (which called forth an ovation from a public rather recalcitrant to musical modernism) but also by its solid musical structure.


1981 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 535
Author(s):  
Gerard Behague ◽  
John Storm Roberts

Author(s):  
Ilya Sokov ◽  

Introduction. The overview’s subject is the problem of Latin Americans’ situation (citizens and noncitizens of the USA) during the D. Trump’s presidency, reflected in new works by American authors. The historiography overview consist of researchers’ monographs from American universities and analytical articles from academic journals and periodicals. The overview’s logical systematization is based on two principles: the established chronological framework and the grouping of author’s views on a particular problem. Relevance. The overview topic’s relevance is caused by significant reduction in the rights and increased prosecution of Latinos in the contemporary of the United States which is emphasized by the American authors themselves. The authors emphasized the theoretical basis for the new migration political process was making D. Trump’s conservative nationalist policy which is called “America First”. The implementation of such policy leads to new challenges in ensuring national security, exacerbating social conflicts and splitting the American society. Purpose. The work’s purpose is to highlight new trends in the US immigration policy that significantly restricted the rights and freedoms of Latin American citizens and Latin American refugees living in the country during this period. Methods. The author of the article used the following methodological tools: the scientific principle of objectivity, which allowed us to assess the degree of subjective information contained in the publications; the ontological (substantive) approach, which was used to clarify the actors of conflict interaction in the process of the White House’s transformational policy presented in new American studies; the institutional method based on the research works, which allowed us to determine changes in the functions and activities of the US government’s departments when dealing with immigration issues and the situation of Latin American citizens and non-citizens in the United States during the D. Trump’s presidency. Results. The results consist in the recognition of the nativist and conservative nationalist policy of the US government towards Latin Americans by the American academic and expert community, which contradicts the values declared by the American society and contributes to its separation and division creating greater inequality within it. Although the historiography overview did not aim to examine Latinos’ situation in the United States in historical retrospect. All of these could be noted in the above works that no American author noted an improvement in the situation of Latinos during D. Trump’s presidency, compared to the previous administrations of B. Clinton, G.W. Bush and B. Obama. Many authors noted that new problems have been added to the old problems of Latinos and incoming immigrants. The results area. The results obtained can be used by Russian Americanist researchers to conduct their further researches in the fields of area studies, international relations, international processes, and the history of foreign countries. Conclusion. The Latinos’ situation analysis in the United States during the D. Trump’s presidency was based on American authors’ publications for 2018–2020, which suggests not only the devastating impact of the White House’s transformative policies toward Latinos, but also the changing structure of American society itself, which is inherently immigrant.


1988 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 77-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth E. Sharpe

The US Policymakers Working on the 1988 Anti-Drug Abuse Act have clearly understood that going after the suppliers of narcotics is only part of the war on drugs; until US domestic demand is diminished, it will be difficult to bring this lucrative and illicit multinational business under control. There is, however, general agreement that something must be done about supply and that interdiction of drug shipments to the United States is only one means. The drug supply war's major focus is the growing, production, and shipment of narcotics within the Third World countries who are the suppliers, particularly in Latin America (Colombia, Mexico, Peru, and Bolivia head the list).Although there have been occasional attempts to “Americanize” anti-drug operations in Latin America (with the US government assuming drug enforcement functions as it did in Bolivia with Operation Blast Furnace in 1986), the major US option is to support the build-up of the Latin American governments' own drug-fighting capabilities by supplying funds, training, and equipment.


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