The Impact of the Israeli Occupation on the Economies of the West Bank and Gaza

1977 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-129 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Van Arkadie
Keyword(s):  
West Bank ◽  
The West ◽  
West Bank And Gaza ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Israeli Occupation

Understanding 50 Years of Israeli Occupation of Palestinian Land

2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 369-377
Author(s):  
Leila Farsakh
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
West Bank ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Sinai Peninsula ◽  
The West ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
West Bank And Gaza ◽  
One Year ◽  
Israeli Occupation

The year 2017 was important for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, commemorating both the centennial of the Balfour Declaration and the fiftieth anniversary of the 1967 war. That war, which resulted in Israel's defeat of three Arab armies and its occupation of the West Bank, Gaza Strip, the Sinai Peninsula, and the Golan Heights, transformed the politics of the Middle East. According to UN Security Council Resolution 242, issued in November 1967, the occupation was illegal: Israel would have to withdraw from the territories it occupied if it were to achieve peace with its neighbors. In international law, military occupations are temporary by definition. Israel, however, only returned the Sinai to Egypt in 1982. (One year prior, it unilaterally annexed the Golan Heights from Syria.) Despite a twenty-five-year-long political process initiated in 1993, Israel's occupation of the West Bank and Gaza has continued unabated.

scholarly journals Courting Justice? Legitimation in Lawyering under Israeli Occupation

1995 ◽  
Vol 20 (02) ◽  
pp. 349-405 ◽  
Author(s):  
George E. Bisharat
Keyword(s):  
West Bank ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Military Occupation ◽  
Costs And Benefits ◽  
Political Opposition ◽  
The West ◽  
West Bank And Gaza ◽  
Opposition Movement ◽  
Israeli Occupation

Israel has since 1967 administered the West Bank and Gaza Strip through highly legalistic and strongly repressive military governments. Has advocacy in Israeli courts on behalf of Palestinian residents of the West Bank and Gaza Ship has legitimated, and thus helped to perpetuate, ongoing Israeli military occupation of those regions? By examining legitimation in lawyering under lsraeli occupation, insight can be gained into the factors and their relative weights that lawyers facing harsh or repressive regimes must consider in balancing the costs and benefits of litigation to serve a social or political opposition movement. The author concludes that the benefits outweigh the legitimating effects of lawyers' work and that, on balance, Palestinians' election to seek representation in Israeli courts, and lawyers' choice to assist them, has been justified.

Psychological reactions to Israeli occupation: Findings from the national study of school-based screening in Palestine

2008 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 290-297 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ziad Abdeen ◽  
Radwan Qasrawi ◽  
Shibli Nabil ◽  
Mohammad Shaheen
Keyword(s):  
Political Violence ◽  
School Children ◽  
West Bank ◽  
Somatic Complaints ◽  
National Study ◽  
The West ◽  
School Based ◽  
Posttraumatic Symptoms ◽  
West Bank And Gaza ◽  
Israeli Occupation

Children exposed to violent war-like and repeated political violence often experience a continued threat to life and their sense of safety, as well as a disruption of daily functioning. The purpose of the study was to examine the psychological impact of exposure to Israeli occupation on Palestinian school children in the West Bank and Gaza, Palestine. We assessed the association between exposure to occupation and the severity of posttraumatic symptoms and the inter-relationship between posttraumatic symptoms, functional impairment, somatic complaints, and coping strategies in school children. Palestinian students ( n = 2100) from grades 9—11 were screened from both the West Bank ( n = 1235) and Gaza ( n = 724) and responded to self-report questionnaires. Results showed that extensive exposure to violence was associated with higher levels of posttraumatic distress and more somatic complaints in both the West Bank and Gaza regions. More Gaza than West bank students reported symptoms meeting the criteria for PTSD, and more girls than boys in both groups reported somatic complaints. Thus, school-based screening can be an effective method for case identification of students showing PTSD symptoms as a result of exposure to political violence.

The Palestinian Uprising and Education for the Future

1989 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 470-484 ◽  
Author(s):  
Khalil Mahshi ◽  
Kim Bush
Keyword(s):  
West Bank ◽  
Present System ◽  
The West ◽  
Community Based ◽  
Community Based Education ◽  
Building Process ◽  
West Bank And Gaza ◽  
Short And Long Term ◽  
Israeli Occupation

From the time of the Ottoman Turks, Palestinians have been educated under systems imposed by outsiders. Since the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, the situation has been exacerbated by the combination of an Israeli civil and military authority and a Jordanian curriculum. The intifadeh (uprising), which began in December 1987 and continues today, has challenged the Israeli occupation and all its institutions. All educational establishments have been subject to frequent closures by military authorities, forcing Palestinians to reexamine their present system of education, and to look for both short- and long-term alternatives. Khalil Mahshi and Kim Bush review the current educational system in the West Bank and Gaza, and analyze the intifadeh as a catalyst for educational change. They examine informal, community-based education; alternative modes of instruction designed to bypass closures but still using the existing system and textbooks; and long-term planning as part of the nation-building process. They argue that the intifadeh has created a giant educational laboratory, which challenges conservative educators to start afresh. They restate that challenge clearly, encouraging debate among educators in Palestine and in the international educational community.

scholarly journals Humiliation and the Inertia Effect: Implications for Understanding Violence and Compromise in Intractable Intergroup Conflicts

2008 ◽  
Vol 8 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 281-294 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeremy Ginges ◽  
Scott Atran
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
West Bank ◽  
Inertia Effect ◽  
The West ◽  
Suicide Attacks ◽  
West Bank And Gaza ◽  
Violent Action ◽  
Intergroup Conflicts ◽  
Israeli Occupation

AbstractWe investigated the influence of humiliation on inter-group conflict in three studies of Palestinians living in the West Bank and Gaza. We demonstrate that experienced humiliation produces an inertia effect; a tendency towards inaction that suppresses rebellious or violent action but which paradoxically also suppresses support for acts of inter-group compromise. In Study 1, Palestinians who felt more humiliated by the Israeli occupation were less likely to support suicide attacks against Israelis. In Study 2, priming Palestinians with a humiliating experience caused fewer expressions of joy when subsequently hearing about suicide attacks. In Study 3, Palestinians who felt more humiliated by peace deals were less likely to support those deals, while Israeli symbolic compromises that decreased feelings of humiliation increased support for the same deals. While the experience of humiliation does not seem to contribute to political violence, it does seem to suppress support for conflict resolution.

The Palestinian zakat committees 1993–2007 and their contested interpretations

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Benthall
Keyword(s):  
West Bank ◽  
Central Control ◽  
Palestinian Authority ◽  
The West ◽  
Community Based ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
Hard Evidence ◽  
West Bank And Gaza ◽  
Islamic Resurgence ◽  
Israeli Occupation

This chapter was published in 2008, shortly after the decision of the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank to reorganize some 90 zakat committees and bring them under central control. The chapter (originally published by the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, Geneva) set out to review competing interpretations of the nature of the West Bank committees during the “Oslo period”, after limited autonomy was ceded by Israel to the Palestinian Authority but before the split between the West Bank and Gaza which took place in 2007. Allegations in the counter-terrorist literature that the zakat committees had been simply fronts for Hamas are considered here and found to be unpersuasive, short of hard evidence and especially in the light of the confidence that – according to reputable opinion surveys – they earned from the Palestinian public. A more benign interpretation is offered in this chapter – that these zakat committees were a result of the “Islamic resurgence” and were typically grass-roots, community based organizations that were beginning to tap into the international aid system, in response to urgent humanitarian needs and the pressures inflicted by the Israeli Occupation.

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