Settlement Monitor

2016 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-22

The Settlement Monitor covers items—reprinted articles, statistics, and maps—pertaining to Israeli settlement activity in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and the Golan Heights. They are reproduced as published, including original spelling and stylistic idiosyncrasies. Significant developments this quarter: As the first half of 2016 came to a close, Israel continued demolishing Palestinian homes in Area C of the West Bank and stepped up punitive and agenda-driven demolitions across East Jerusalem. Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu also approved 800 new settlement units and announced another 600 in Beit Safafa after a spate of violent attacks in June and July. While officials in the United States were preoccupied with upcoming presidential elections, the Jerusalem Municipal Council for Planning and Building pushed forward with stalled expansion plans for the Ramot settlement, while Israel declared an area south of Bethlehem as state land to expand the Gush Etzion settlement bloc. Finally, Israel attempted to appease its settlers further by exploring means to override the High Court's decision to evacuate the illegal Amona outpost.

Significance This also comes as indirect US nuclear talks with Iran resume in Vienna, despite concerted Israeli opposition. US President Joe Biden is in effect withdrawing the unconditional backing his predecessor Donald Trump gave Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu. Impacts The Gaza ceasefire will be fragile, with a significant chance of renewed hostilities in the short-to-medium term. The appointment of a new Mossad chief, David Barnea, may lower the profile of but will not materially change Israeli-US intelligence ties. The United States will further increase financial support to both Gaza and the West Bank. In a more serious possible future war against Hezbollah, Washington might not back a major Israeli military incursion into Lebanon.


Significance However, the United States has already blocked a Kuwaiti-drafted statement expressing “outrage” at Israeli security forces’ killings of protesters and calling for an independent investigation. The demonstrations by thousands of Gaza Palestinians approaching the Israeli security fence coincided with the formal opening of the new US embassy in Jerusalem. Impacts The turn in international opinion against Israel could bolster Iran and its Lebanese protégé Hezbollah. Events in Gaza make progress in the stalled Egypt-backed ‘reconciliation’ agreement with the West Bank authorities even more unlikely. Few countries will follow the US example of moving their embassies to Jerusalem, despite Israeli inducements. Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu’s recent foreign policy successes could bolster his position against corruption investigations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-27
Author(s):  
Irus Braverman

Our special issue provides a first-of-its kind attempt to examine environmental injustices in the occupied West Bank through interdisciplinary perspectives, pointing to the broader settler colonial and neoliberal contexts within which they occur and to their more-than-human implications. Specifically, we seek to understand what environmental justice—a movement originating from, and rooted in, the United States—means in the context of Palestine/Israel. Moving beyond the settler-native dialectic, we draw attention to the more-than-human flows that occur in the region—which include water, air, waste, cement, trees, donkeys, watermelons, and insects—to consider the dynamic, and often gradational, meanings of frontier, enclosure, and Indigeneity in the West Bank, challenging the all-too-binary assumptions at the core of settler colonialism. Against the backdrop of the settler colonial project of territorial dispossession and elimination, we illuminate the infrastructural connections and disruptions among lives and matter in the West Bank, interpreting these through the lens of environmental justice. We finally ask what forms of ecological decolonization might emerge from this landscape of accumulating waste, concrete, and ruin. Such alternative visions that move beyond the single axis of settler-native enable the emergence of more nuanced, and even hopeful, ecological imaginaries that focus on sumud, dignity, and recognition.


Worldview ◽  
1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (12) ◽  
pp. 11-13
Author(s):  
Grace Halsell

The United States has maintained consistently since the Arablsraeli war of 1967 that Jewish settlements on lands inhabited by Palestinian Arabs are illegal, and in June, 1980, legislation was proposed that would deduct a portion of American aid that goes to pay for such illegal settlements.


2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-15

This section covers items pertaining to Israeli settlement activity in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and the Golan Heights. Significant developments during the quarter 16 November 2016 through 15 February 2017 include: in anticipation of changes to U.S. policy on settlements under incoming U.S. president Donald Trump, Terrestrial Jerusalem and other settlement watch groups outlined the areas they consider most vulnerable to settlement expansion. While the Israeli Security Cabinet voted on 22 January to postpone discussion of a bill facilitating the annexation of the Ma'ale Adumim settlement until after Trump and Prime Minister Netanyahu had a chance to meet in person, many analysts highlighted the probable annexation of settlements in East Jerusalem and even possibly part of Area C of the West Bank. Peace Now released a report estimating that 4,000 settlement units and 55 illegal outposts would be retroactively legalized under the recently enacted Regulation Law and documenting the 3,000 additional units that could be newly expropriated under the law (see Update on Conflict & Diplomacy in JPS 46 [3] for more on new Israeli legislation).


2005 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 64-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara Roy

Israel's disengagement plan is widely hailed by the international community, led by the United States, as a first step toward the final resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the establishment of a viable Palestinian state. This essay is a refutation of that view. After presenting the current situation of Gaza as the result of deliberate Israeli policies of economic integration, deinstitutionalization, and closure, the author demonstrates how provisions of the plan itself preclude the establishment of a viable economy in the Strip. Examining the plan's implications for the West Bank, the author argues that the occupation, far from ending, will actually be consolidated. She concludes with a look at the disengagement within the context of previous agreements, particularly Oslo——all shaped by Israel's overwhelming power——and the steadily shrinking possibilities offered to the Palestinians.


Subject Foreign policy after the attempted coup. Significance Before the July 15 coup attempt, foreign policy was showing signs of turning towards pragmatism from the ambitious positions associated with former Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu. Rapprochement was sought with both Russia and Israel, and relations with the United States and EU were relatively stable. The attempted coup introduces considerable uncertainty. President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's insistence that US-based cleric Fethullah Gulen was behind it is drawing the United States into Turkey's most serious political trauma in decades. Impacts Relations with the West are unlikely to return to their pre-coup warmth soon. The most likely result for US-Turkish relations is what may be termed a 'stressed-out partnership of convenience'. How both US-Turkish relations and Turkey's conflict with the PKK develop will determine Turkish policy on Syria and the ISG.


2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-5

This quarter began less than one month after the 20 January 2017 inauguration of U.S. president Donald Trump, whose stated positions on settlements and the two-state solution, at times contradicting decades of U.S. policy, had far-reaching implications for Palestinians. Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu was emboldened by the regime change in Washington and the new administration's lack of organization and experience. Within two months of the inauguration, observers marked a sharp increase in the demolition of Palestinian homes and in announcements of renewed Israeli settlement construction. In fact, just two days after Trump was sworn into office, the Jerusalem municipality approved the construction of 566 new housing units, which had earlier been delayed under pressure from outgoing U.S. president Barack Obama. And on 24 January, the Israeli government announced plans for 2,500 new settlement units in the West Bank. In early February, Israeli lawmakers passed the so-called Regularization Bill, retroactively legalizing the expropriation of private Palestinian land. As settlement plans continued to grow apace, the end of the quarter saw the submission of a measure extending Israeli sovereignty to Ma'ale Adumim before a Knesset committee. Some MKs were also considering the annexation of the E1 zone into Ma'ale Adumim, which would effectively sever the northern from the southern West Bank and create a impassable zone for Palestinians around East Jerusalem. Bedouin communities inside E1 resisted persistent expulsion threats and demolition orders, while the world's soccer governing body FIFA refused to take on the issue of soccer clubs inside settlements.


Author(s):  
Charles D. Freilich

Chapter 2 analyzes the changes in Israel’s strategic environment in recent decades and presents an overview thereof today. Israel no longer faces existential threats or major conventional ones, the Arab world is in crisis, and the primary threat it now poses stems from its weakness. Peace with Egypt and Jordan is a strategic boon. Conversely, the de facto annexation of the West Bank negates the strategic depth provided by the 1967 borders and incorporates Palestinian terrorism into Israel itself. Acquisition of additional territory has become a liability, and military decision is hard to achieve without it. Hezbollah and Hamas have become significant threats, Iran a major one. The prospects for peace with the Palestinians are meager for now, and it is unclear whether the conflict with them is resolvable. The United States remains the primary player for Israel, but its decreasing regional stature affects its security adversely, as does Russia’s increasing influence.


Oncology ◽  
1988 ◽  
Vol 45 (5) ◽  
pp. 354-359 ◽  
Author(s):  
F. Barak ◽  
C. Zippin ◽  
E.J. Awad ◽  
A.R. Houser ◽  
Y. Horn

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document