Blame Avoidance, Crisis Exploitation, and COVID-19 Governance Response in Israel

Surprisingly, although the Israeli government adopted unregulated, unorganized, inefficient, uncoordinated, and uninformed governance arrangements during the first wave of COVID-19, the public health outcome was successful, a paradox that this theoretically informed article seeks to explain. Drawing on insights from blame avoidance literature, it develops and applies an analytical framework that focuses on how allegations of policy underreaction in times of crisis pose a threat to elected executives’ reputations and how these politicians can derive opportunities for crisis exploitation from governance choices, especially at politically sensitive junctures. Based on a historical-institutional analysis combined with elite interviews, it finds that the implementation of one of the most aggressive policy alternatives on the policy menu at the beginning of the COVID-19 crisis (i.e., a shutdown of society and the economy), and the subsequent consistent adoption of the aforementioned governance arrangements constituted a politically well-calibrated and effective short-term strategy for Prime Minister Netanyahu.

Gambling Strategies and Prize-Pricing Recommendation in Sports Multi-Bets

A sports multi-bet is a bet on the results of a set of N games. One type of multi-bet offered by the Israeli government is WINNER 16, where participants guess the results of a set of 16 soccer games. The prizes in WINNER 16 are determined by the accumulated profit in previous rounds, and are split among all winning forms. When the reward increases beyond a certain threshold, a profitable strategy can be devised. Here, we present a machine-learning algorithm scheme to play WINNER 16. Our proposed algorithm is marginally profitable on average in a range of hyper-parameters, indicating inefficiencies in this game. To make a better prize-pricing mechanism we suggest a generalization of the single-bet approach. We studied the expected profit and risk of WINNER 16 after applying our suggestion. Our proposal can make the game more fair and more appealing without reducing the profitability.

The Complex Twists and Turns of the Israel-South Africa Relations

The purpose of this article is to reveal the features of relations between Israel and South Africa in a historical retrospective with a focus on the South African Jewish community that is still the largest in the region. In contrast to relations with other African states, that went through stages from the “honeymoon” in the 1960s, the break in the early 1970s, to the new rapprochement in the 1990s – early 2000s, the interactions between Israel and South Africa had a completely different periodization. At first, the Israeli government did not develop contacts with the apartheid regime, but since the mid-1970s till the end of the 1980s, the governments were involved in a secret military cooperation. Since the early 1990s, Israel and South Africa began to build relations in a completely different international context. One of the main issues provoking tensions between the governments is the unresolved Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The African National Congress has historically had close ties with the Palestine Liberation Organization, highlighting the fight against oppression as a common one. As part of its “return to Africa”, the Israeli government cannot ignore such a powerful player in the region as Pretoria. With mutual interests, the two sides can have a constructive dialogue, but the lack of progress in the settlement of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict will negatively affect the nature of their interaction. The author of this paper continues a series of works on the study of relations between Israel and African countries with the aim of filling the existing niche in Russian historiography.

Israeli Physical Persecution in Occupied Jerusalem

Israeli authorities have committed a wide range of human rights violations, including direct violence, land annexation and settlement building, home eviction and arbitrary arrest and detention. Such practices have been carried out with political cover from the Israeli government. In addition to the direct confiscation of Palestinian homes and other property, Israeli authorities and organizations such as settlement associations frequently use subterfuge or bribes to transfer ownership to Jewish residents and interests. Through historical review and analysis, this paper documents the most common types of direct and structural violence practiced by Israel, along with their effect on Palestinians, and highlights the roles of the various players in Israeli society.

The divergent logics of urban regeneration in Israel: A neoliberal toolkit and national rationales

In recent years, urban regeneration policy in Israel has relied largely on market-based mechanisms to deliver its goals, seemingly in keeping with neoliberal trends. Whereas, in previous decades, the construction and renovation of housing was facilitated primarily by state-run projects, current urban regeneration policy relies heavily on private actors – developers and homeowners – motivated by profit and the allocation of building rights. In this article, we argue that while this policy appears to be consistent with neoliberal trends, the Israeli government, as well as the public, in fact continue to view urban regeneration as a project of national significance, deserving of public funding if market forces should prove inadequate. We describe the unique characteristics of urban regeneration policy in Israel, arguing that they derive from ‘moral economy’ logic as well as geopolitical considerations such as national security and commitment to the periphery. We make this argument by examining urban regeneration in the country’s geographical and economic ‘periphery’, where the state is expected to finance and incentivise regeneration in the absence of market incentives. We conclude that even in a supposedly heightened neoliberal era, Israel’s regeneration policy continues to be centralised and driven by national objectives and centre–periphery relations that reproduce the country’s path-dependent development trajectory.

Pegasus scandal is unlikely to unseat Hungary’s Orban

Significance Revelations of hacking into the phones of civic activists, journalists and politicians have caused a major media storm in Hungary, without any clear political ramifications. Hungary’s Fidesz-led government is alone in the EU in being identified, by a former employee of the Pegasus developer, as a client of the firm. Impacts Poor attendance at the July 26 protest suggests the scandal’s lack of political potential. The EU’s response to fundamental rights violations, potentially including use of its new rule-of-law mechanism, will be tested. An Israeli inquiry into spyware exports will set the tone of Fidesz’s relationship with the new Israeli government.

Sustainable Well-Being in Israel

Well-being is a common human aspiration. Governments and states, too, seek to promote and ensure the well-being of their citizens; some even argue that this should be their overarching goal. But it is not enough for a country to flourish, and for its citizens to enjoy well-being, if the situation cannot be maintained over the long term. Well-being must be sustainable. The state needs criteria for assessing the well-being of its citizens, so that it can work to raise the well-being level. Joining many other governments around the world, the Israeli government adopted a comprehensive set of indices for measuring well-being in 2015. Since 2016, the Israel Central Bureau of Statistics has been publishing the assessment results on an annual basis. Having determined that the monitoring of well-being in Israel should employ complementary indices relating to its sustainability, the Ministry of Environmental Protection, the Bank of Israel, the Central Bureau of Statistics, and Yad Hanadiv asked the Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities to establish an expert committee to draft recommendations on this issue. The Academy's assistance was sought in recognition of its statutory authority "to advise the government on activities relating to research and scientific planning of national significance." The Committee was appointed by the President of the Academy, Professor Nili Cohen, in March 2017; its members are social scientists spanning a variety of disciplines. This report presents the Committee's conclusions. Israel's ability to ensure the well-being of its citizens depends on the resources or capital stocks available to it, in particular its economic, natural, human, social, and cultural resources. At the heart of this report are a mapping of these resources, and recommendations for how to measure them.

Promoting Vaccination from a Human Rights and Equity Perspective: Lessons from the Israeli “Green Pass”

Israel’s vaccination percentage was among the highest recorded worldwide. The Israeli government opted for a model using a proof-of-vaccine document (“Green Pass”). However, the “Green Pass” policy raises practical, legal and ethical concerns. While immunisation passports could be utilised to protect one’s health, significant legal difficulties arise from their usage as a vaccination encouragement scheme. Protecting health is a proper purpose, particularly as minimising the pandemic ameliorates the human rights violations that stem from the COVID-19 response, enables individuals to return to their daily lives and enhances economic activity. However, any privileges or restrictions guided by one’s COVID-19 immunisation status must be designed with the utmost attention to prevent a disproportionate violation of the human rights of the non-vaccinated and the public at large. Furthermore, as “Green Pass” policies might entrench existing discriminatory structures, ensuring equality is vital in moving forward. By exploring two case studies – labour rights and the right to privacy – we demonstrate the legal and public implications of the “Green Pass” regime. Despite the removal of the “Green Pass” in Israel, discussions continue regarding its modified reimplementation. The wider implications of the model might extend beyond its specific legal arrangements and limited temporal phase, requiring us to bring long-term public health into consideration.

Social media for government information dissemination: content, characteristics and civic engagement

PurposeThe purpose of this study is to examine the information distributed on social media by government ministries. In addition, this study seeks to categorize and identify the characteristics of the highest engaging government social media posts.Design/methodology/approachThis article is based on content analysis to examine the work of Israeli government ministries on Facebook. Descriptive and inferential statistics were used to analyze 6,292 posts posted over a six-month period, and a sample of 230 of the most popular posts was analyzed qualitatively.FindingsFindings indicate that government ministries primarily direct and link to internal Facebook pages, with few, if any, referrals to official government websites. In addition, the types of content that generate the highest levels of engagement are classified as operations and events or symbolic acts (e.g. greetings or condolences) and are containing visual content as photos or video clips.Originality/valueThis study contributes to the literature on the topic in several ways. First, it presents findings from a cross-national study of government authorities and organizations that operate and serve diverse populations in a multicultural country. Second, this study presents a novel examination of information strategies by government organizations with focusing on the characteristics of links, media types, content and posting frequency.

Uncertain Comparisons: Zionist and Israeli Links to India and Pakistan in the Age of Partition and Decolonization

This article examines Zionist/Israeli comparisons and connections to India and Pakistan between 1945 and 1955. While Zionists found striking similarities between the unfolding realities in Palestine/Israel and South Asia, the exact nature of the comparison was quite equivocal. On the diplomatic axis, Israelis sought to establish full diplomatic relations with India by underscoring the similarity of their two nations. Here, comparisons were a way of positioning Israel as an analogue of India. On the technocratic axis, Israelis looked to Pakistan as a model for constructing legal institutions to expropriate Palestinian property. The appeal of Pakistan as a model was due to a perceived glaring difference: Pakistan was a Muslim state, Israel the Jewish State. Meanwhile, as Zionists/Israelis looked to India and Pakistan, Indians returned the gaze. Indian technocrats found the methods Israel used to resettle Jewish refugees and immigrants worthy of emulation. When they came to Israel to study these resettlement efforts, they were-unknowingly-often looking at projects that had been built upon former Palestinian land which the Israeli government had seized using the transplanted Pakistani law-the very same laws that had dispossessed India's new citizens, whom the technocrats were seeking to resettle. This article ultimately uncovers a broader post-imperial technocratic sphere in which nascent states continued to transplant legal institutions developed in other parts of the former colonial world to construct their own.