THE PEDIATRICIAN AND THE PUBLIC

PEDIATRICS ◽  
1949 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
pp. 839-845

The eloquent statement on the status of Negro medical care and education in the United States by the eminent anatomist, Dr. W. Montague Cobb (Brown America's Medical Diaspora: A Paradox of Democracy, in The Pediatrician and The Public, Pediatrics 3:854, 1949) requires the attention of all physicians interested in the distribution of medical care. Although pediatricians cannot begin to assume responsibility for this entire problem, it is possible to demonstrate leadership in the same manner in which the Academy study of infant and child health services provided leadership to the profession and the public. We refer specifically to an extension of training facilities in pediatrics for Negro physicians. Certainly 15 certified Negro pediatricians in a country with 14,000,000 Negro people represents a serious discrepancy in the distribution of training facilities. Admittedly most of the problem has its origin in the distribution of training facilities for undergraduate students and the basic problems responsible for this situation. However, we have observed—as has Dr. Cobb—that many Negro physicians desiring training in pediatrics (as well as other specialties) are discouraged from applying for training because of what seems to be a dearth of positions open to them. It has been our impression, however, that many centers would consider Negroes for training appointments if qualified applicants applied. Would it not be advisable, therefore, for the American Board of Pediatrics to circularize the approved training centers in pediatrics in order to establish a roster of those centers which would consider Negro applicants for training positions?

2021 ◽  
pp. 28-64
Author(s):  
Paul V. Dutton

This chapter examines French infant and child health programs that laid the foundation for France's family-centered social democracy. Throughout, it compares French developments to US policies and programs that sought similar child health goals in order to explain why the two nations' outcomes diverged. The comparison begins in the 1870s, when France's infant mortality rate was similar to that of the United States. During these early years, French and American social reformers, physicians, and public health experts collaborated to craft policies aimed at the reduction of maternal and infant mortality, the improvement of child health, and the alleviation of disparities between population subgroups. Ultimately, however, France proved more successful in achieving and sustaining its gains in infant and child health, even as the country experienced dramatic demographic shifts after 1950 due to immigration from its former colonial empire in Southeast Asia, Africa, and the Middle East. The chapter then identifies what lessons American policy makers might learn, adopt, or adapt from the French experience.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1986 ◽  
Vol 77 (5) ◽  
pp. 791-792
Author(s):  
HUGH CRAFT ◽  
EARL SIEGEL

To the Editor.— It was encouraging to see the results of the recent study from France on the prevention of preterm births published in Pediatrics.1 Pediatricians have long supported preventive measures to improve infant and child health. But, pediatricians, in general, and neonatologists, in particular, have been slow to assume an advocacy position for an obvious, important preventive effort, namely, reducing the incidence of low birth weight. During the last 20 years, the United States has experienced a dramatic improvement in neonatal mortality, from rates of neonatal death of 18 per 1,000 live births in 1965 to 6.8 per 1,000 live births today.2,3


Stalking ◽  
2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert T. M. Phillips

Celebrities have become targets of potentially violent stalkers who instill fear by their relentless pursuit and, in some reported cases, threatened risk of violence. Celebrity stalking may evolve to planned, often violent attacks on intentionally selected targets. The causes of these incidents are complex, and frequently involve delusional obsessions concerning a contrived relationship between the target and stalker. Similar dynamics can be at play for presidential stalkers. Becoming the focus of someone’s delusional obsession is a risk for anyone living in the public eye. Planned attacks by stalkers, however, are not confined to internationally prominent public officials and celebrities. Some of the same themes emerge on a more local level when public figures become the object of pursuit. Celebrity and presidential stalkers often do not neatly fit any of the typologies that have evolved to codify our understanding of the motivation and special characteristics of stalking. Clinicians are often unaware of a “zone of risk” that extends beyond the delusional love object and can lead to the injury of others in addition to the attempted or accomplished homicide of a celebrity or presidential target. Most people can resist the temptation to intrude on a celebrity’s privacy—celebrity stalkers do not. This chapter explores celebrity status, as seen by the public and in the mind of the would-be assailant, as a unique factor in stalking cases that raises issues of clinical relevance and unique typologies. Special attention is given to the behaviors and motivations of individuals who have stalked the presidents of the United States. Many celebrities become targets of stalkers who relentlessly pursue and frighten them and who, in some cases, threaten violence. Though each case of celebrity stalking is unique and complex, such incidents frequently involve delusional obsessions concerning the contrived relationship between the stalker and victim. Stalking is not confined solely to well-known figures, of course. However, it is the very nature of celebrity—the status and the visibility—that attracts the benign (if voyeuristic) attention of an adoring public and the ominous interest of the stalker. Obsessional following of celebrities is not a new phenomenon in the United States.


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