Celebrity and Presidential Targets

Stalking ◽  
2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert T. M. Phillips
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Local Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Public Officials ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Figures ◽  
Celebrity Status ◽  
The Status ◽  
Unique Factor ◽  
The Mind

Celebrities have become targets of potentially violent stalkers who instill fear by their relentless pursuit and, in some reported cases, threatened risk of violence. Celebrity stalking may evolve to planned, often violent attacks on intentionally selected targets. The causes of these incidents are complex, and frequently involve delusional obsessions concerning a contrived relationship between the target and stalker. Similar dynamics can be at play for presidential stalkers. Becoming the focus of someone’s delusional obsession is a risk for anyone living in the public eye. Planned attacks by stalkers, however, are not confined to internationally prominent public officials and celebrities. Some of the same themes emerge on a more local level when public figures become the object of pursuit. Celebrity and presidential stalkers often do not neatly fit any of the typologies that have evolved to codify our understanding of the motivation and special characteristics of stalking. Clinicians are often unaware of a “zone of risk” that extends beyond the delusional love object and can lead to the injury of others in addition to the attempted or accomplished homicide of a celebrity or presidential target. Most people can resist the temptation to intrude on a celebrity’s privacy—celebrity stalkers do not. This chapter explores celebrity status, as seen by the public and in the mind of the would-be assailant, as a unique factor in stalking cases that raises issues of clinical relevance and unique typologies. Special attention is given to the behaviors and motivations of individuals who have stalked the presidents of the United States. Many celebrities become targets of stalkers who relentlessly pursue and frighten them and who, in some cases, threaten violence. Though each case of celebrity stalking is unique and complex, such incidents frequently involve delusional obsessions concerning the contrived relationship between the stalker and victim. Stalking is not confined solely to well-known figures, of course. However, it is the very nature of celebrity—the status and the visibility—that attracts the benign (if voyeuristic) attention of an adoring public and the ominous interest of the stalker. Obsessional following of celebrities is not a new phenomenon in the United States.

THE PEDIATRICIAN AND THE PUBLIC

PEDIATRICS ◽  
1949 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
pp. 839-845
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Child Health ◽  
Medical Care ◽  
Undergraduate Students ◽  
The United States ◽  
Child Health Services ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Status ◽  
Infant And Child Health ◽  
And Child Health

The eloquent statement on the status of Negro medical care and education in the United States by the eminent anatomist, Dr. W. Montague Cobb (Brown America's Medical Diaspora: A Paradox of Democracy, in The Pediatrician and The Public, Pediatrics 3:854, 1949) requires the attention of all physicians interested in the distribution of medical care. Although pediatricians cannot begin to assume responsibility for this entire problem, it is possible to demonstrate leadership in the same manner in which the Academy study of infant and child health services provided leadership to the profession and the public. We refer specifically to an extension of training facilities in pediatrics for Negro physicians. Certainly 15 certified Negro pediatricians in a country with 14,000,000 Negro people represents a serious discrepancy in the distribution of training facilities. Admittedly most of the problem has its origin in the distribution of training facilities for undergraduate students and the basic problems responsible for this situation. However, we have observed—as has Dr. Cobb—that many Negro physicians desiring training in pediatrics (as well as other specialties) are discouraged from applying for training because of what seems to be a dearth of positions open to them. It has been our impression, however, that many centers would consider Negroes for training appointments if qualified applicants applied. Would it not be advisable, therefore, for the American Board of Pediatrics to circularize the approved training centers in pediatrics in order to establish a roster of those centers which would consider Negro applicants for training positions?

scholarly journals 2018: A watershed year for psychedelic science

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 205032451987228 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacob S Aday ◽  
Christopher C Davoli ◽  
Emily K Bloesch
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
The United States ◽  
Ballot Initiatives ◽  
The Public ◽  
Psychedelic Drugs ◽  
The Status ◽  
Regulatory Bodies ◽  
The Public Sphere

While interest in the study of psychedelic drugs has increased over much of the last decade, in this article, we argue that 2018 marked the true turning point for the field. Substantive advances in the scientific, public, and regulatory communities in 2018 significantly elevated the status and long-term outlook of psychedelic science, particularly in the United States. Advances in the scientific community can be attributed to impactful research applications of psychedelics as well as acknowledgement in preeminent journals. In the public sphere, Michael Pollan’s book How to Change Your Mind was a commercial hit and spurred thought-provoking, positive media coverage on psychedelics. Unprecedented psychedelic ballot initiatives in the United States were representative of changes in public interest. Finally, regulatory bodies began to acknowledge psychedelic science in earnest in 2018, as evidenced by the designation of psilocybin-assisted psychotherapy to “breakthrough therapy” status for treatment-resistant depression by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA). In short, 2018 was a seminal year for psychedelic science.

The Radical Right, the National Municipal League Smear File, and the Controversy over Metropolitan Government in the United States during the Postwar Years

Public Voices ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
John F. Brennan
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Administration ◽  
Local Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Metropolitan Governance ◽  
Metropolitan Government ◽  
The Public ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
Key Events

This paper reports on activities undertaken by the National Municipal League (NML) and the Public Administration Service (PAS) during the 1950’s and 1960’s to counter libelous and slanderous actions taken by grass roots activists in opposition to efforts to reform metropolitan governance across the United States. I utilize records from the NML archives—and give special attention to their “Smear File”—to chronicle and analyze the key events and actors. Specifically, I focus on the ideas of opponents of metropolitan government reform from the South and West in the United States including Jo Hindman, Dan Smoot, and Don Bell. These individuals used right-wing idea distribution vehicles including magazines, small-town newspapers, and subscription newsletters to disseminate their arguments and rally support for their cause. I also analyze the actions of their foes at the NML and PAS—namely those of Alfred Willoughby, Executive Director of the National Municipal League; H.G. Pope, President of the Public Administration Service;Richard S. Childs, former President of the National Municipal League; and Karl Detzer,Roving Editor for Reader’s Digest and contributing writer for the National Municipal Review, the academic and professional journal of the National Municipal League. This study adds to the literature explaining the lack of metropolitan governmental frameworks at the local level in the United States, which has been built on the work of Charles Tiebout, Vincent Ostrom, Robert Bish, Ronald Oakerson, and Roger Parks. Although this analysis is idiographic and historical in perspective, it does not necessarily challenge the core empirical results of the nomothetic modeling of these scholars.

Bulwarks of Patriotic Liberalism: the National Guard, Philharmonic Corps and Patriotic Juntas in Mexico, 1847–88

1990 ◽  
Vol 22 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 31-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guy P. C. Thomson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Natural History ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Indigenous Population ◽  
National Guard ◽  
School Teacher ◽  
The United States ◽  
Public Officials ◽  
The Public ◽  
Sierra Madre

In the archive of the now disbanded jefatura política of Tetela de Ocampo is an account of the funeral ceremony of the Puebla State deputy and school teacher, Ciudadano Miguel Méndez, only son of General Juan Nepomuceno Méndez, caudillo máximo of the State of Puebla between 1857 and 1884. The Velada Fúnebre was held in 1888 in the cabecera of Xochiapulco (alias ‘La Villa del Cinco de Mayo’), a municipio of nahuatl speakers on the southern edge of Mexico's Sierra Madre Oriental, adjoining the cereal producing plateaux of San Juan de los Llanos. The ceremony took place in the ‘Netzahualcoyotl’ municipal school room and was organised by the municipality's Society of Teachers. The description of the elaborately decorated room and baroque ceremony fills several pages.1 The teachers had decked the school room (normally adorned by ‘sixty-two great charts of natural history, twenty Industrial diagrams, large maps of Universal Geography, and diverse statistical charts and many engravings related to education’) with military banners and weapons, masonic trophies, candelabra, floral crowns and yards of white and black ribbon. In the centre of the room stood the coffin on an altar, itself raised upon a platform, guarded by four National Guard sentries and attended by the philharmonic corps of Xochiapulco and all the public officials of the cabecera and its dependent barrios. For nine days preceding the ceremony this band had played funeral marches, between six and eight in the evening, on the plaza, in front of the house of the deceased. The service was taken by Mr Byron Hyde, a Methodist minister from the United States. Accompanied by his wife at a piano, Hyde gave renderings (in English) of three Wesleyan hymns.2 There followed three eulogies of Miguel Méndez, extolling his services to the Liberal cause and on behalf of the ‘desgraciada nación azteca’. These speeches were infused with extreme anticlerical and anti-Conservative sentiments, a martial patriotic liberalism, a reverence for the principles of the French Revolution, an admiration for Garibaldi and Hidalgo (in that order), and an obsession with the importance of education as the only means for emancipating the indigenous population from clerical subjection.

scholarly journals Surrogacy in the United States: The Horse Is Out of the Barn

2021 ◽  
pp. 67-83
Author(s):  
Daniela Bandelli
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Social Acceptance ◽  
International Market ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Body ◽  
Individual Autonomy ◽  
Legal Abortion ◽  
The Public ◽  
Abortion Debate ◽  
The Status

AbstractThe United States are pioneers and leaders of surrogacy international market. Although, there are groups and NGOs in the civil society which are active on the issue of surrogacy (such as the Stop Surrogacy Now campaign in the abolitionist front, and the Center for Genetics and Society in the reformist one), this issue remains marginal in the public debate and has not reached the status of cause for feminists (as for example abortion, violence against women, sexual harassment, breast cancer, etc.). In the United States, the low engagement of feminists can be explained by looking at the evolution of surrogacy debate since the first clinics established in the 1980s to today’s advanced social acceptance of surrogacy and assisted reproduction, as well as to the centrality of the autonomy principle in American feminism, and radicalisation of the abortion debate. Feminists, who in 2020 still need to fight for access to safe and legal abortion, are very careful not to make a misstep in favour of their opponents by admitting that individual autonomy on the body and reproduction can, at times, be limited as a form of women’s protection and emancipation from commodification.

ADOPTIONS

PEDIATRICS ◽  
1957 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 366-386
Author(s):  
Samuel Karelitz
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Birth Rate ◽  
College Graduates ◽  
Social Institution ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Status ◽  
Social Agencies ◽  
Widespread Interest

Any practice or social institution which is increasing at a rapid rate deserves review by the professions involved and by the public, to see where it is going and how it is getting there. This question of adoption is a vast national problem and one that concerns medical and legal practitioners, the courts, public health, public or private social agencies. Adoptions in the United States have increased 80% in the last 10 years, and the increase appears to be continuing. The reasons for this phenomenon are probably many and mixed. Underlying them is the widespread interest in family life, in wanting children and more children as evidenced by the increase in the birth rate and in the size of families. Even college graduates, traditionally the low birth-rate group, are having bigger families today. As a background for the more specific papers to follow, I should like to present an over-all view of the extent of the problem and some of the major issues involved. There is no over-all national pattern of adoption procedure in the United States as defined by law or as carried out in practice. Just as laws vary from state to state—on marriage, divorce, taxation, or civil rights— so laws relating to adoption vary. Much of our legal machinery, furthermore, is concerned with the process of legalizing the status of the child, of finishing the job and tying the knot, and not with the core of the problem—the placement of a child for adoption. There are great differences in social agencies. Their practices as well as their philosophy are undergoing study and reappraisal all the time—and especially now.

“Obama no Obama” – Knowledge as Exhilaration: A Curator’s Exhibition Report

2013 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 340-348
Author(s):  
Christine R. Yano
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Research Interest ◽  
President Obama ◽  
Cultural Center ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Figures ◽  
The World ◽  
The Town ◽  
Do So

This article describes my experience as a widely published academic scholar in organizing an exhibit for the public titled “Obama no Obama (Obama’s Obama): One President, Two Countries, A Myriad of Goods.” The exhibit, at a local museum, the Japanese Cultural Center of Hawai`i, presented the souvenirs and paraphernalia from Obama, the Japanese beach town in Fukui province, which celebrated Barack Obama, the 44th president of the United States. Inside the doors of the exhibit hung display after display of goods from Japan and the United States focused on President Obama, particularly during his campaign days of 2008 and 2009 when Obama-mania was at its peak throughout many parts of the world. Obama town garnered headlines throughout Japan and beyond, adopting familiar slogans, “Yes we can!” as banners of support for the candidate and publicity for the town itself. I decided to turn my research interest in the topic into an event that could examine image-making, celebrity, and commodification that surrounds public figures in the United States and Japan – and do so in a very public manner.

Organization of Public Employees

1921 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 267-272
Author(s):  
L. D. White
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Trade Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
Police Force ◽  
Public Employees ◽  
Public Officials ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Government ◽  
Official Police

Bills defining the relation of public officials and employees to the state have recently been presented to the legislatures of Great Britain, France, and the United States. Great Britain has already enacted an important statute regulating the status of the police forces of England, Wales, and Scotland. The general intent of the law is to establish an official police organization, known as the Police Federation; to forbid its alliance with any trade union or other body outside the police service; and to furnish opportunity to make its influence felt in matters relating to the government and conditions of service of the police force.

Attitudes and Public Opinion About Punishment

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathryn L. Schwaeble ◽  
Jody Sundt
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Death Penalty ◽  
Capital Punishment ◽  
Public Attitudes ◽  
The United States ◽  
Public Officials ◽  
The Public ◽  
The World ◽  
Over Time

The United States is unique in its reliance on incarceration. In 2018 the United States had the largest prison population in the world—more than 2.1 million people—and incarcerated 655 per 100,000 residents, the highest incarceration rate in the world. The U.S. public also holds more punitive attitudes in comparison to citizens of other Western, developed countries. For example, when presented with the same description about a hypothetical criminal event, Americans consistently prefer longer sentences compared to residents of other countries. Attitudes about the death penalty are also instructive. Although international support for the death penalty has declined dramatically over time, the majority of Americans are still in favor of capital punishment for certain crimes. In comparison, Great Britain abolished the death penalty in 1965, and only 45% of its citizens continue to support capital punishment. This raises an important question: Can understanding the will of the public help explain how governments respond to crime? The answer to this question is more complicated than expected upon first consideration. The United States generally starts from a more punitive stance than other countries, in part because it experiences more violent crime but also because Americans hold different moral and cultural views about crime and punishment. U.S. public officials, including lawmakers, judges, and prosecutors, are responsive to trends in public attitudes. When the public mood became more punitive during the 1990s, for example, U.S. states universally increased the length of prison sentences and expanded the number of behaviors punishable by incarceration. Similarly, the public mood moderated in the United States toward the end of the 2000s, and states began reducing their prison populations and supporting sentencing reform. It is also true, however, that public officials overestimate how punitive the public is while citizens underestimate how harsh the justice system is. Moreover, the public supports alternatives to tough sentences including prevention, treatment, and alternatives to incarceration, particularly for juveniles and nonviolent offenders. Thus public opinion about punishment is multifaceted and complex, necessitating the exploration of many factors to understand it. Looking at public attitudes about punishment over time, across culture and societies, and in a variety of ways can help explain why social responses to crime change and why some people or groups of people are more punitive than others. Two ideas are helpful in organizing motivations for punishment. First, public support for punishment may be motivated by rational, instrumental interests about how best to protect public safety. Public concern about crime is a particularly important influence on trends in the public mood, but fear of crime and victimization are inconsistently related to how individuals feel about punishment. Second, attitudes about punishment are tied to expressive desires. Attitudes are influenced by culture and moral beliefs about how to respond to harm and violations of the law. Thus attitudes about punishment are relevant in understanding how the public thinks about the problem of crime, as how people think and feel about crime influences what they think and feel should be done about it.

Success of Romania on the Way of European Integration

2018 ◽  
pp. 256-263
Author(s):  
Vira Burdiak
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
European Union ◽  
European Integration ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
The Status ◽  
Communist Past ◽  
High Level ◽  
The Voice

The author proves that Romania has changed very positively over the years of EU membership.There was the establishment of democratic institutions,despite the fact that it is a complex country with a post-communist past and a high level of corruption. Romanian civil society believed in the possibility of change for the better, but the latest developments regarding the dismissal of the head of the Anticorruption Directorate, changes to the law on the status of judges and prosecutors,the Romanian Code of Criminal Procedure may call into question previous achievements.This is indicated by thousands of demonstrations with protest calls against government actions that took place in the capital and in many cities. If the authorities ignore the "voice of the people", then it is unknown what to expect in the future.One of the scenarios is the destabilization of the situation in the country due to the radicalization of a society that is already beginning to manifest itself,and another – further disillusionment of the population and the return of the population to a state of hopelessness.Both options are not good for the public, and this is understood in Bucharest, Europe and the United States. Keywords: European Union, Romania, European integration

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