Celebrity and Presidential Targets

Celebrities have become targets of potentially violent stalkers who instill fear by their relentless pursuit and, in some reported cases, threatened risk of violence. Celebrity stalking may evolve to planned, often violent attacks on intentionally selected targets. The causes of these incidents are complex, and frequently involve delusional obsessions concerning a contrived relationship between the target and stalker. Similar dynamics can be at play for presidential stalkers. Becoming the focus of someone’s delusional obsession is a risk for anyone living in the public eye. Planned attacks by stalkers, however, are not confined to internationally prominent public officials and celebrities. Some of the same themes emerge on a more local level when public figures become the object of pursuit. Celebrity and presidential stalkers often do not neatly fit any of the typologies that have evolved to codify our understanding of the motivation and special characteristics of stalking. Clinicians are often unaware of a “zone of risk” that extends beyond the delusional love object and can lead to the injury of others in addition to the attempted or accomplished homicide of a celebrity or presidential target. Most people can resist the temptation to intrude on a celebrity’s privacy—celebrity stalkers do not. This chapter explores celebrity status, as seen by the public and in the mind of the would-be assailant, as a unique factor in stalking cases that raises issues of clinical relevance and unique typologies. Special attention is given to the behaviors and motivations of individuals who have stalked the presidents of the United States. Many celebrities become targets of stalkers who relentlessly pursue and frighten them and who, in some cases, threaten violence. Though each case of celebrity stalking is unique and complex, such incidents frequently involve delusional obsessions concerning the contrived relationship between the stalker and victim. Stalking is not confined solely to well-known figures, of course. However, it is the very nature of celebrity—the status and the visibility—that attracts the benign (if voyeuristic) attention of an adoring public and the ominous interest of the stalker. Obsessional following of celebrities is not a new phenomenon in the United States.

Cyberstalking

Cyberstalking involves the use of the Internet or other electronic communication to stalk another person. Already common, it is likely to become more common as the use of the Internet continues to grow. The characteristics of online stalkers and their victims have some differences from those of the offline stalker. Mullen, Pathé, Purcell, and Stuart’s (1999) classification may apply to cyberstalkers except for the apparently common phenomenon of child luring that may be a new category. The methods of cyberstalking, as described in this chapter, are particularly ingenious. We know little about the effect on victims, but postulate that it is similar to offline stalking. We make some suggestions that may prevent cyberstalking, as well as offer some steps to bear in mind once cyberstalking occurs. The proliferation of personal computers with Internet access in the last decade has raised concerns about a new phenomenon known as cyberstalking. The Internet can be used to annoy and harass large numbers of victims in a generic manner by disseminating computer viruses, Internet scams, and “spamming” people with unsolicited e-mail. In 1999 Janet Reno, the attorney general of the United States, defined cyberstalking as the use of the Internet, e-mail, or other electronic communications devices to stalk another person (Reno, 1999). Barak (2005) looked at the issue of sexual harassment on the Internet. He characterizes cyberstalking as one type of sexual coercion. He notes that online behavior is characterized by disinhibition, openness, venture, and bravado—an atmosphere characterized by typical masculine attitudes. He argues that the lack of legal boundaries or enforcement vehicles encourage people to do what they would not have done in offline situations. He notes the near impossibility of implementation of legal procedures on a large scale. In this chapter we will discuss what is known about the prevalence of this phenomenon, the types of cyberstalking, and what is known about the perpetrators. In addition, we will generate some hypotheses about the comparison between online and offline stalkers. We will also discuss the effects on victims and current thoughts and resources for dealing with cyberstalking.

Juvenile Aspects of Stalking

Stalking that elicits fear in the target is relatively rare below age 16. Case reports reveal that some children and adolescents exhibit stalking behavior, and research on college populations suggests that stalking behavior in late adolescence is not uncommon. Stalking is a theme seen in movies and children’s literature. The definition of stalking is used to distinguish stalking from developmentally normal following behavior commonly seen as a component of adolescent courtship, admiration, or crushes. This chapter reviews the literature on juvenile stalkers, including the frequency and patterns of juvenile stalking and the characteristics of juvenile stalkers. The chapter also provides suggestions for assessment, interventions, and legal responses in the management of the juvenile stalker. Some stalking-like behaviors are common in immature courtship behaviors of children and adolescents, but stalking characterized by repeated unwanted intrusion and communications that elicit fear in the target is relatively rare. In recent years, a number of published case reports suggest that some children and young adolescents exhibit stalking behavior, and research on college populations suggests that stalking behavior in late adolescence is not so uncommon. To help illustrate how pathological stalking overlaps with themes in normal development, this chapter begins with a survey of stalking in movies and children’s literature. The chapter then uses the definition of stalking to distinguish stalking from developmentally normal following behavior commonly seen as a component of adolescent courtship, admiration, or crushes. Literature on juvenile stalkers is then reviewed to provide a picture of how commonly stalking occurs, as well as the characteristics of juvenile stalkers. The chapter then considers certain other behaviors that resemble stalking and examines theories about how stalking behavior develops. Finally, the chapter discusses the important topic of managing the juvenile stalker, including assessment, interventions, and legal responses. Children and adolescents may be exposed to stalking behaviors and themes through television, books, and movies. The influence of media representations of crime and violence is an important avenue of exploration in general clinical work with children and adolescents.

Stalking, Competence to Stand Trial, and Criminal Responsibility

In the 1990s, stalking emerged as a new category of criminal offense and a distinct type of disordered behavior. A substantial fraction of stalkers suffer from delusional disorders or other severe mental illnesses, and many persons charged criminally with stalking adduce irrational beliefs to explain and justify their conduct. Such beliefs pose special challenges for mental health professionals who assess or help restore an accused stalker’s competence to stand trial, or who evaluate an accused stalker’s criminal responsibility. This chapter explores the clinical and forensic problems that arise when severe psychiatric symptoms—in particular, disruptions in reality testing (e.g., erotomanic delusions)—affect legal determinations concerning competence to stand trial, mens rea, and insanity. The term “stalking” unites under a single rubric behavioral patterns that until recently might have been regarded variously as manifestations of erotomanic delusions (Esquirol, 1845/1976), harassment (Jason, Reicher, Easton, Neal, & Wilson, 1984), or quaint expressions of courtly love (Singer, 1987). Beginning in the early 1990s, a confluence of social trends and news events—including heightened fears of stranger violence, increasing fragility of interpersonal relationships, and the stalking and murder of actress Rebecca Shaeffer—led the English-speaking world to construe stalking as a major mental health problem and a new category of criminal offense (Mullen, Pathé, & Purcell, 2001a). In turn, the existence of stalking as a distinct offense led to increased public recognition of the problem and, in some jurisdictions, to the filing of an unexpectedly large number of criminal stalking charges (Nadkarni & Grubin, 2000). The acts that constitute stalking bear a superficial similarity to common (if annoying) behaviors in which “normal” people engage and that may have roots in human evolution (Brüne, 2003). Familiar examples include awkward attempts to start a dating relationship, persistent and insistent requests for attention or services, and unwanted pursuit by a former lover who hopes to rekindle a relationship (Mullen, Pathé, Purcell, & Stuart, 1999; Mullen et al., 2001a). By contrast, the types of persistent stalking toward which antistalking laws are directed involve approaches and intrusions repeated over weeks, months, or even years, in which the victim reasonably experiences fear and psychological distress.

Stalking Risk Assessment

This chapter examines the frequency of recidivism, threats, and violence in male and female stalkers. The risk factors associated with ordinary violence are distinguished from the risk factors for severe violence and homicide in stalkers. Common risk factors for ordinary violence among stalkers include substance abuse, prior criminal offenses, making threats, suicidality, and a prior intimate relationship to the stalking victim. Risk factors for stalkers committing severe violence or homicide include appearing at the victim’s home, prior violence, major depression, threats to harm the victim’s children, and placing threatening messages on the victim’s car. Celebrity stalkers have a different set of risk factors for violence. Distinctions are made between those stalkers who make threats and those who pose threats, and between affective and predatory violence by stalkers. The overlap between domestic violence and stalking is explained. An approach to evaluating stalking situations for dangerousness is offered. Increased vigilance is necessary when events humiliate or anger the stalker. Finally, the chapter discusses how to assess threats by stalkers and when to consider seeking restraining orders. Stalking and violence are two separate phenomena, but they often occur together. Because stalking is defined as a pattern of harassment that induces fear of harm in the victim, it is not surprising that some stalking victims are indeed violently assaulted by their stalkers (Meloy, 2002). The science of assessing stalkers for violence risk is still in its infancy. Because stalking has been defined as a crime for only the last approximately 15 years, a limited number of research studies regarding stalking and violence have been completed. The majority of early studies were based on referrals to court psychiatric clinics. These studies had an overrepresentation of subjects with mental illness and were more often serious cases than random stalking in the community. Of the adult participants in the National Violence Against Women Survey (NVAWS) whose experiences fulfilled their criteria of stalking, only 55% of women and 48% of men reported their experiences to the police (Tjaden & Thoennes, 1998, 2000a).

Stalking: Introduction, Definition, and Epidemiology

The 1990s witnessed the emergence of stalking as a new social construct that was recognized through the development of antistalking statutes. Simultaneously, stalking received widespread attention in the popular news media and in scholarly works by mental health professionals. Considerable variation exists among the legal, clinical, and research definitions of stalking. Large-scale epidemiological studies, conducted in Australia, Great Britain, and the United States, suggest that stalking is a relatively common behavior. Women have an 8–33% lifetime risk of being the victim of stalking, depending on the definition. For men, the lifetime risk is 2–7%. Studies on the epidemiology of stalking violence give a wide range of results: 3–46% of stalkers progress to violence. Higher rates of stalking have been reported among some populations, including college students, mental health clinicians, and celebrities. Female stalkers differ from male stalkers in their motivations and target populations. Finally, children and adolescents also exhibit stalking behaviors outside of normal developmental behaviors. Behavior patterns that we now call “stalking” have been described for thousands of years. Hippocrates, Galen, Plutarch, and various physicians of the Middle Ages described these behaviors (Lloyd-Goldstein, 1998). In 1837, Esquirol differentiated erotomania and nymphomania (Esquirol, 1838/1965). Both Kraepelin (1921/1976) and de Clérambault (1921) described erotomania in the 1920s. Classic literature provides several historical instances of what appears to be stalking. It has been argued that Shakespeare’s last 25 sonnets reflect his obsessional attachment and spurned pursuit of the “dark lady,” with evidence of obscenities, threats, paranoia, and irrationality (Skoler, 1998). Mullen, Pathé, and Purcell (2000) describe evidence of behaviors typical of stalkers in the lives and written works of Italian poets Danté Alighieri (1265–1321) and Petrarch (1304–1374), and the philosopher Søren Kierkegaard (1813–1855). Louisa May Alcott’s first novel, A Long Fatal Love Chase, written in 1866 but discovered and published in 1993, tells the story of a young woman pursued with increasing anger, resentment, and ultimately violence by the husband she left (Mullen et al., 2000). Two of the late twentieth century’s most notorious forensic psychiatric cases arose from the mental problems and violent behavior of stalkers.

Stalking: Classification and Typology

Stalking, as currently conceptualized, is a complex phenomenon, and individual stalking cases can be quite distinct. Several authors have proposed classification schemes in an effort to discern and understand common themes among cases of stalking. These stalking “typologies” reflect both theoretical considerations and empirical examinations of persons whose behaviors have shaped the definition of stalking. Typologies have been constructed from clinical and law enforcement perspectives. Classification schemes to date have been broadly based on factors such as the motivation of the stalker, psychiatric symptoms among stalkers, the nature of the relationship between the pursuer and the victim, victim characteristics, and harm to the victim. These classifications have been conceptualized to assist with risk assessment, risk management, and treatment considerations in stalking cases. This chapter describes some historical underpinnings of classification categories, compares existing typologies of stalkers, and explicates the typological scheme adopted throughout this book. Over the last 15 years, stalking has become increasingly recognized as a distinctive form of potentially criminal behavior that may come to the attention of mental health professionals. At the same time that the criminal justice system has grappled with defining stalking for legal purposes, clinicians who encounter stalking behavior have attempted to create useful classifications of stalking behaviors. Attempts have also been made to develop taxonomies of stalking types that might guide law enforcement professionals. Taxonomic classifications are common in science and, when they are successful, they help us organize and identify unique aspects of information and refine our understanding of the given phenomenon under study. Setting up a system of classification of stalking, a behavior that is difficult to define and codify, has several advantages. Once established, a useful taxonomy of stalkers could improve communication among professionals and could help them better appreciate aspects of stalking, including the natural course of the behavior and prognosis of particular stalkers. In addition, taxonomic categorization can facilitate case comparisons and improve clinicians’ abilities to assess risks, manage risks, and provide treatment. Stalking typologies may also enlighten decisions about social policy and legal regulation related to the phenomenon.

Stalking: Perspectives on Victims and Management

The potential of being stalked is a frightening prospect, in part because of the widespread media attention to the phenomenon, principally highlighting cases in which significant harm toward the victim has occurred. Victims may have little knowledge of how to manage a stalking situation. Civil and criminal remedies may provide some relief, but ultimately victims must manage their own safety in a way that they see as best for their particular situation. In assisting and assessing victims, the issue of false victimization must also be considered. This chapter will explore issues related to the effects of being stalked and methods of management for victims. Although much of the attention to stalking seen in the legal, clinical, and research literature has been related to stalkers and the act of stalking, there has also been a burgeoning interest in examining stalking victims. This allows for a greater opportunity to understand stalking behaviors, and their effects on others, from a perspective vastly different from that of the perpetrator. Moreover, it has become increasingly recognized that stalking creates very negative psychological (and at times physical) harm to victims. Understanding the phenomenology of victimization and victimology can help clinicians work from a foundation when they are faced with treating a person who may be a victim of stalking. Furthermore, although risk assessment and risk management of stalkers are discussed elsewhere in this book (see chapters 3 and 4), it is imperative that there be a mechanism to manage risk from the perspective of the victim. Stalking represents a dyadic tension, and approaches to mitigating risk must be done with recognition of the impact of stalking on the victim. As we discussed in our GAP Committee on Psychiatry and the Law, important questions typically posed by a stalking victim include queries into whether the stalking will cease and whether the victim will be harmed. More nuanced aspects of victim assessment and management include an examination of day-to-day approaches in dealing with stalking behavior.

Risk Management of Stalking

This chapter will address the clinical, legal, and practical methods that may be used to manage the risk of stalking behaviors. Multiagency interventions and victim safety strategies are stressed. Practical security approaches and appropriate responses to stalkers’ harassment are discussed. The special issue of managing the stalking of clinicians is addressed. Finally, psychiatric treatment of the stalker is discussed as a method of managing risk. The chapter concludes with a case example and discussion of practical methods of stalking risk management. The effective risk management of stalking is a dynamic process that requires skill and experience in many of the areas previously discussed. Understanding stalking from a medico-legal perspective (see chapter 7) as well as a risk assessment perspective (chapter 3) is necessary for an effective and comprehensive approach to risk management. This special knowledge is often necessary in addition to a skilled approach to psychiatric diagnosis and treatment due to the high rates of major mental illness observed in stalkers (Mohandie, Meloy, McGowan, & Williams, 2006). Because stalking can have a substantial impact upon victims, we have devoted a separate chapter to victim management and considerations (see chapter 5). This chapter will address the clinical, legal, and practical methods that may be used to manage the risk of stalking behaviors. Multiagency interventions and victim safety strategies are stressed. Finally, psychiatric treatment of the stalker is discussed as a method of managing risk. Any well-reasoned risk management approach to stalking behavior must first address the “intervention dilemma” (White & Cawood, 1998). The intervention dilemma involves the consideration that taking direct action toward the stalker to reduce stalking may actually increase the risk of violence, and in some cases, no direct action may be preferable. An active response by law enforcement or others may have three possible outcomes: (1) risk reduction, (2) risk enhancement, or (3) no effect. In some cases, an active intervention may actually enflame the stalker by challenging or humiliating him or her. For this reason, there can be no single “best approach” to risk management. Rather, risk management approaches must consider the significance of individual-specific nuances and preferably involve the input of different disciplines.

Trends in Antistalking Legislation

This chapter examines antistalking statutes in the United States and abroad. All state and the federal governments have adopted legal mechanisms to address stalking. These enactments attest to the growing awareness of stalking with its associated suffering and economic losses. The statutes are remarkable for both their innovation and their diversity, as different jurisdictions have chosen a wide variety of approaches. In the United States, this variety can be attributed in part to the division of law-making power inherent in federalism, as well as linked to the challenging nature of a problem whose characteristics and effects are just now coming into focus. International legal strategies also vary. In both U.S. and international statutes, criminal law is most often invoked, but civil remedies are increasing. The latter includes injunctions and protection orders, as well as civil rights of action, notice provisions, stalker surveillance, stalker registries, victim compensation, and mental health evaluations and treatment. The murder of the television actress Rebecca Schaeffer in 1989 drew a great deal of media attention to the problem of stalking; in 1990 California became the first state to adopt an antistalking law. The movement progressed rapidly: by 1996, all 50 state legislatures and the U.S. Congress had passed antistalking legislation. There is considerable variation in the existing antistalking laws. Academic commentators have raised questions concerning the constitutionality of these laws under the state and federal constitutions. Early concerns were that limiting a stalker’s contact with his victim might unreasonably intrude on the stalker’s First Amendment rights of free speech and assembly. Statutes were criticized as being vague and overbroad in limiting these rights (Faulkner & Hsiao, 1993). In general, however, state courts have not been receptive to such claims (see, e.g., Bouters v. State, 1995). For example, the Supreme Court of Montana upheld the constitutionality of that state’s antistalking statute against an argument that the law violated the defendant’s free speech rights, finding that the law was not unconstitutionally vague since certain undefined terms had an accepted common usage (State v. Martel, 1995).