scholarly journals Changes in the Romanian agrifood trade competitiveness in the post-accession period

Author(s):  
Camelia Gavrilescu ◽  
Dan-Marius Voicilaş

Romania’s accession to the EU meant a significant increase in the country’s agrifood trade, both with the EU member states and with the extra-EU partners. The objective of this paper is to examine the changes in the value, directions and competitiveness of Romanian agrifood trade in the last 25 years, with special focus on the post-accession period. The paper is examining the changes in the competitiveness of the Romanian intra- and extra-EU agrifood trade, for the 24 groups of agrifood products defined under the HS (Harmonized System – HS 01-24), aggregated at 2-digit level, using Gehlhar and Pick classification in price and non-price competition. The country’s position among the other EU member countries in terms of values, quantities and directions of the trade flows was examined, as well.

Author(s):  
E. V. Ermakova

The article explores the variety of tools and vehicles applied within the EU to expand the prerogative of the regions of the EU member states. The author uses as an example the inter-regional policies in Belgium in respect of the Flemish Region and the Walloon Region. The author analyzes the mechanisms of promotion of external regional relations in Belgium as a means of addressing different problems both on national and all-European level, supporting the arguments and conclusions by examples of relevant EU initiatives. The article details the activities of the EU Regional Committee (RC), the EU advisory body with the powers of political initiative, upholding the principle ofsubsidarity in the implementation of the EU member states' regional policies. The involvement of the Flemish Region and the Walloon Region in the activities of EU RC is described and summarized. As a case study, the article deals with Belgium's rotating six months presidency in the EUin 2010 when the country, which was going through a severe political crisis with no federal government in place, was represented by the two regions. The special focus of the article is on the strategic EU program "Europe2020" and its implementation by the regions of Belgium. There is an account of the initiatives undertaken by the Flemish Region and the Walloon Region within the framework of this program outlining the interaction of the two regions. The author provides a comprehensive analysis of the involvement of the Flemish Region and the Walloon Region with various EU institutions describing how each party achieves the promotion of its regional interests. Within this context, it is a noteworthy development that the Flemish Region is participating in the international program "Pact 2020" on energy all by its own. The article features quotations by Flemish and Walloon political figures which serve as an illustration of the prevailing attitudes in the Belgian society to the process of regionalization of their country. The EU structural funds aimed at funding these policies play a crucial role in the maturing of the regional dimension of the activities pursued by the EU institutions. The author finalizes with the review of the EU reasons for placing high importance on the promotion of the development of inter-regional ties between member states.


2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
Iveta Adijāne

The recent incidents in the EU prove the fact that the problem of prevention of illegal immigration exists and becomes more and more urgent. The number of detained foreigners increases and enrages the whole EU migration policy. However, we cannot speak only about the security of the EU member states, on the other side of the problem there are foreigners, who due to different reasons have broken residence and entry regulations. And the most important here we have to remember about is the human rights of the detained foreigners. It does not matter where and when somebody is, no one can infringe his or her rights, which according to the definite normative acts should be respected and recognised by all control institutions. At the same time foreigners have to respect our laws, which define their duties. Latvia still gets in touch with the problems connected with both applying foreigners’ rights and providing fulfilment of duties.


2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-69
Author(s):  
Eduardo Bericat ◽  
Rubén Martín-Gimeno

On the basis of extensive empirical data that the 72 focused composite indicators, making up the System of Indices on the Quality of European Societies (SIQES), provide on the 28 EU Member States, this paper analyses the societal quality of the Southern European Mediterranean countries, namely, Spain, Italy, Portugal and Greece, from a holistic, multidimensional and comparative perspective. First and foremost, it indicates the position of these Mediterranean countries in the European societal quality rankings. Secondly, after confirming that, in accordance with the Five Europes Typology, the Mediterranean countries form a distinctive cluster, it includes an analysis of their social characteristics, comparing them with those of the other four clusters. Thirdly, on the basis of the 14 societal quality domains included in the system, it offers a diagnosis by contrasting the societal quality of the Southern European Mediterranean countries with that of the rest of the EU Member States. This structural diagnosis, endogenous as well exogenous, offers a panoramic view of great importance to both social researchers and policymakers.


2020 ◽  
pp. 119-135
Author(s):  
Małgorzata Łakota-Micker ◽  
Beniamin Noga

The subject of the analysis conducted in the article is the current social and economic situation of Montenegro – one of the candidate countries for the membership of the European Union. The research problem -is important due to the fact, that the Balkan countries are an enclave surrounded on all sides by the EU Member States. On the other hand, EU Member States have awareness of the increasingly visible influence of Russia, China or Turkey in this region, which in the future may threaten the EU’s policy of stabilisation and democratisation of the region, as well as reduce the sense of security in European societies. The article aims to determine the premises that will indicate the opportunities and threats to further socio-economic development of Montenegro and its proper economic prosperity, which can lead to accession in 2025. The future of accession to the EU depends on the fulfillment of socio-economic criteria, which were partly achieved as a result of the first stage of the country’s transformation process. Montenegro can also use the experience of the past – gained as a federal state – in this process, however, on the other hand, the quality of integration with Serbia will not be a valuable experience for entering the structures of the community with great economic, social and organisational potential.


2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Crina Mihaela Verga ◽  
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This paper is a study of the infringement procedure, as it is regulated at EU level. Thus, we first analyze the existing legal framework on the matter. The implementation of this procedure in various Member States of the European Union and its consequences are then presented. Last but not least, the article refers to a series of aspects regarding the fields in which the procedure was directed against Romania since its integration into the EU. The purpose of the essay is to present in detail Romania's situation regarding the violation of EU’s law.Thus, a comparative presentation throughout time of the number of such proceedings launched against the Romanian state was made.A relevant case in which Romania was tried and convicted was also presented in detail.The large number of cases launched in 2021 highlights the delays registered by Romania on the matter. The measures ordered by the Romanian government through the elaborated the Annual Transposition Plan-2021must be carefully and systematically implemented. Romania could also consider and effectively apply the examples of good practice from the other EU’s member states. The historical and the comparative methods used in this presentation reveal both the similarities between the application of this procedure in the EU Member States under review as well as the differences and its succession in time. The article is important not only for the scientists, but also for the practitioners to dispose all the necessary measures that are required.


Author(s):  
Aleksandar-Andrija Pejović

In recent years, the rule of law and, especially, its “proper” implementation has become one of the most debated topics in Europe in recent years. The “Big Bang Enlargement” marked the beginning of dilemmas whether the new EU Member States fulfil the necessary rule of law criteria and opened the way for divergent views on how to implement TEU Article 2 values in practice. Furthermore, constant problems and difficulty of the candidate countries to fulfil the necessary rule of law criteria added to the complexity of the problem. In turn, the European institutions have tried to introduce a series of mechanisms and procedures to improve the oversight and make the states follow the rules - starting from the famous Treaty on the European Union (TEU) Article 7, the Rule of Law Mechanism, annual reports on the rule of law and the most recent Conditionality Regulation. The Conditionality Regulation was finally adopted in December 2020 after much discussion and opposition from certain EU Member States. It calls for the suspension of payments, commitments and disbursement of instalments, and a reduction of funding in the cases of general deficiencies with the rule of law. On the other hand, similar provisions were laid out in the February 2020 enlargement negotiation methodology specifying that in the cases of no progress, imbalance of the overall negotiations or regression, the scope and intensity of pre-accession assistance can be adjusted downward thus descaling financial assistance to candidate countries. The similarities between the two mechanisms, one for the Member States, the other for candidate countries shows an increased sharing of experiences and approaches to dealing with possible deficiencies or breaches of the rule of law through economic sanctioning, in order to resolve challenges to the unity of the European union. The Covid-19 pandemic and the crisis it has provoked on many fronts has turned the attention of the Member States (i.e. the Council) away from the long running problematic issues. Consequently, the procedures against Poland and Hungary based on the Rule of Law Mechanism have slowed down or become fully stalled, while certain measures taken up by some European states have created concerns about the limitations of human rights and liberties. This paper, therefore, analyses the efforts the EU is making in protecting the rule of law in its Member States and the candidate countries. It also analyses the new focus of the EU in the financial area where it has started to develop novel mechanisms that would affect one of the most influential EU tools – the funding of member and candidate countries through its structural and enlargement policy. Finally, it attempts to determine and provide conclusions on the efficiency of new instruments with better regulated criteria and timing of activities will be and how much they would affect the EU and its current and future member states.


Author(s):  
Nick Sitter ◽  
Elisabeth Bakke

Democratic backsliding in European Union (EU) member states is not only a policy challenge for the EU, but also a potential existential crisis. If the EU does too little to deal with member state regimes that go back on their commitments to democracy and the rule of law, this risks undermining the EU from within. On the other hand, if the EU takes drastic action, this might split the EU. This article explores the nature and dynamics of democratic backsliding in EU member states, and analyses the EU’s capacity, policy tools and political will to address the challenge. Empirically it draws on the cases that have promoted serious criticism from the Commission and the European Parliament: Hungary, Poland, and to a lesser extent, Romania. After reviewing the literature and defining backsliding as a gradual, deliberate, but open-ended process of de-democratization, the article analyzes the dynamics of backsliding and the EU’s difficulties in dealing with this challenge to liberal democracy and the rule of law. The Hungarian and Polish populist right’s “illiberal” projects involve centralization of power in the hands of the executive and the party, and limiting the independence of the judiciary, the media and civil society. This has brought both governments into direct confrontation with the European Commission. However, the EU’s track record in managing backsliding crises is at best mixed. This comes down to a combination of limited tools and lack of political will. Ordinary infringement procedures offer a limited toolbox, and the Commission has proven reluctant to use even these tools fully. At the same time, party groups in the European Parliament and many member state governments have been reluctant to criticize one of their own, let alone go down the path of suspending aspect of a states’ EU membership. Hence the EU’s dilemma: it is caught between undermining its own values and cohesion through inaction on one hand, and relegating one or more member states it to a second tier—or even pushing them out altogether—on the other.


2018 ◽  
Vol 112 ◽  
pp. 67-67
Author(s):  
Emi Nagaoka

When it comes to the investment agreement (IA) between Japan and the EU or the EU member states, which means not only the investment part of the JEEPA but also the new investment treaty that would be concluded in the future, it is not considered that Japan and the EU have reached agreement without the absolute standards of treatment (e.g. FET and expropriation). Indeed, the text of the investment part of the JEEPA presented on the European Commission's website, which has not been legally verified yet as of today (April 5, 2018), has not stipulated said absolute standards, and such investment part is even titled as “Investment Liberalization” implying that only the non-discrimination provisions are provided. However, from the viewpoint of promoting investment as well as protecting the investors in the other countries, the level of liberalizing investment should not be decreased nor should the coverage of the standard or treatment be limited. In particular, FET is the most important standard of treatment for investors and most of them have relied on FET as their legal basis where they submit claims in the ISDS procedure. It is apparent that most countries also take the absolute standards important and necessary and the recent IAs including the CPTPP containing the absolute standards are considered to comply with such countries’ perspective.


Author(s):  
Irina PILVERE ◽  
Aleksejs NIPERS ◽  
Bartosz MICKIEWICZ

Europe 2020 Strategy highlights bioeconomy as a key element for smart and green growth in Europe. Bioeconomy in this case includes agriculture, forestry, fisheries, food and pulp and paper production, parts of chemical, biotechnological and energy industries and plays an important role in the EU’s economy. The growth of key industries of bioeconomy – agriculture and forestry – highly depends on an efficient and productive use of land as a production resource. The overall aim of this paper is to evaluate opportunities for development of the main sectors of bioeconomy (agriculture and forestry) in the EU based on the available resources of land. To achieve this aim, several methods were used – monographic, analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction, statistical analysis methods. The findings show that it is possible to improve the use of land in the EU Member States. If all the Member States reached the average EU level, agricultural products worth EUR 77 bln would be annually additionally produced, which is 19 % more than in 2014, and an extra 5 billion m3 volume of forest growing stock would be gained, which is 20 % more than in 2010.


2006 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-43
Author(s):  
Sándor Richter

The order and modalities of cross-member state redistribution as well as the net financial position of the member states are one of the most widely discussed aspects of European integration. The paper addresses selected issues in the current debate on the EU budget for the period 2007 to 2013 and introduces four scenarios. The first is identical to the European Commission's proposal; the second is based on reducing the budget to 1% of the EU's GNI, as proposed by the six net-payer countries, while maintaining the expenditure structure of the Commission's proposal. The next two scenarios represent radical reforms: one of them also features a '1% EU GNI'; however, the expenditures for providing 'EU-wide value-added' are left unchanged and it is envisaged that the requisite cuts will be made in the expenditures earmarked for cohesion. The other reform scenario is different from the former one in that the cohesion-related expenditures are left unchanged and the expenditures for providing 'EU-wide value-added' are reduced. After the comparison of the various scenarios, the allocation of transfers to the new member states in terms of the conditions prevailing in the different scenarios is analysed.


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