Z pragmatyki działalności instruktorów szkolenia ideologicznego nauczycieli u schyłku okresu stalinowskiego na przykładzie miasta Tarnowa i powiatu tarnowskiego

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 32-46
Author(s):  
Paweł Juśko ◽  

The article concerns the organization of mass ideological training of teachers in People's Poland in the years 1949-1956. It includes a section related to the activity of poviat ideological training instructors of teachers who were an extremely important link in this process, carried out by the Polish Teachers' Union. The study focuses on the practical side of their activity, consisting primarily in the organization, management and supervision of the work of ideological training teams in schools. This topic is presented based on the example of the activities of the instructors of the city of Tarnów and the Tarnów poviat, at the end of the Stalinist period in the Polish People's Republic. The aim of mass ideological training was to indoctrinate the teaching community so that teachers were ready to implement new curricula, became familiar with the new terminology of philosophy, sociology and political economy, as well as pedagogical sciences based on Marxism-Leninism. Thus, they were to contribute to building a socialist state, in line with the expectations of the communist party.

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 62
Author(s):  
Adif Fahrizal

This article discusses the spread of Islam in the city and the neighborhood of Surakarta, Central Java during the New Order period. The spread of Islam took place through massive Islamic religious activities, such as mass prayer. In addition, the expansion of the number of mosques and mushola (Islamic praying sites) indicates a massive expansion of the influence of Islam in the region. Based on data from newspapers and interviews with relevant informants of the time, this article found out that the spread of Islam in Surakarta was a political agenda set up by the New Order government in order to counter the remnants of Communist ideology, which was withheld by sympathizers of the then Indonesian Communist Party. This article concludes that the massive spread of Islam shaped Surakarta, which had been known as the center of syncretic Javanese culture, to become religious and the government’s fear of Communism could be reduced. However, the process also made a sharp dichotomy between Islamist-based and Javanese-based identity of the city.


Author(s):  
Mercedes Montero Caldera

Este artículo recoge el testimonio oral de Carmen Caamaño Díaz (Madrid, 1911), quien a través de su memoria hace un recorrido autobiográfico en el que manifiesta la evolución de un compromiso ideológico que la convertiría en sujeto activo del exilio interior durante el régimen franquista. En su etapa universitaria, Carmen fue miembro de la junta Directiva de la FUE (Federación Española de Enseñantes) y Secretaria General de la UFEH (Unión Federal de estudiantes Hispanoamericanos) desde 1930 a 1931. Licenciada en Filosofía y Letras, trabajó en él Centro de estudios tiistohcos formando parte del equipo de investigación que dirigía Claudio Sáncfiez Albornoz. En 1937 ingresó en el P.C.E, desempeñando, entre otros cargos, el de Gobernadora Civil de Cuenca desde enero a marzo de 1939. Al finalizar la guerra, fue detenida y condenada a prisión. En 1941 trató de reorganizar en la clandestinidad el partido comunista en la provincia de Alicante, siendo nuevamente detenida y condenada a muerte, pena que le sería conmutada por la de cárcel. Depurada profesionalmente y bajo control policial durante varios años, su actividad de oposición al régimen de Franco la llevaría a cabo desde la Asociación de Mujeres Universitarias.This article includes the oral statement of Carmen Caamaño Díaz (Madrid, 1911), who covers her autobiography through her memory, expressing an ideogical compromise evolution through which she would become an active subjet of the inner exile throughout Franco's regime. While being a student at university, she was a member of the Board of Directors of the UFEH (Spanish Teachers Union) and General Secretary of the UFEH (Latin American Student Union ) from 1930 to 1931. With a degree in Arts, she worked at the Centre of Historie Studies taking part within the investigation team conducted by Claudio Sánchez Albornoz. In 1937 she joined the Spanish Communist Party, performing the charge, amongst others, of Civil Governor of Cuenca from January to March 1939. At the end of the war, she was arrestad and sentenced to imprisoment. In 1941 she tried to reorganise in secret the Communist Party in the province of Alicante. She was again arrested and sentenced to the death penalty, penalty that would be commuted for imprisonment. Politically purged and under police control throughout several years, she would undertake her opposition activity to Franco's regime from the University Women Association.


Author(s):  
Joshua Sbicca

When urban agriculture becomes a sustainability initiative with institutional backing, it can drive green gentrification even when its advocates are well intentioned and concerned about the possible exclusion of urban farmers and residents. This chapter explores these tensions through the notion of an urban agriculture fix, which I apply to a case in Denver, Colorado. Urban farmers accessed land more easily after the Great Recession and as a result were a force for displacement and at risk of displacement as the city adopted sustainable food system plans, the housing market recovered, and green gentrification spread. This case suggests the importance of explaining how political economy and culture combine to drive neighborhood disinvestment and economic marginalization, which can compel the entrance of urban agriculture due to its perceived low cost and potential high return for local residents. Yet, while urban agriculture may provide some short-term benefits, it may ultimately be entangled in some of the long-term harms of green gentrification.


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-27
Author(s):  
Roger Biles ◽  
Mark Rose

First, we examine Businessmen Daniel B. “Dan” Gilbert and Michael “Mike” Ilitch’s multibillion-dollar investments in Detroit’s office buildings and entertainment venues. Next, we set their entrepreneurial activities against the city and region’s historical political economy extending back to the early 1900s. Third and finally, we determine that Gilbert and Ilitch’s plans for entertainment and commercial development took precedence over planners and their grand plans for citywide and region-wide redevelopment.


2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 494-499
Author(s):  
Destin Jenkins

This essay revisits Making the Second Ghetto to consider what Arnold Hirsch argued about the relationship between race, money, and the ghetto. It explores how Hirsch’s analysis of this relationship was at once consistent with those penned by other urban historians and distinct from those interested in the political economy of the ghetto. Although moneymaking was hardly the main focus, Hirsch’s engagement with “Vampire” rental agencies and panic peddlers laid the groundwork for an analysis that treats the post–World War II metropolis as a crucial node in the history of racial capitalism. Finally, this essay offers a way to connect local forms of violence to the kinds of constraints imposed by financiers far removed from the city itself.


Author(s):  
David Waite

The resurgence of city-regionalism has been a dominant theme in sub-national policymaking over the last decade. Underpinned by narratives of growth engines waiting to be unlocked through greater local control coupled with targeted interventions, city-regions are now a privileged spatial arena in the UK for seeking economic development agreements with higher orders of government. This chapter brings into focus Glasgow’s experience of city-regionalism and notably the re-emphasis brought about by the City Deal. In doing this, multiple political tensions hinging on a series of local, national and UK-wide relationships are sketched out. The chapter - in referencing the wider city-region literature and taking cognisance of the local post-industrial trajectory - poses a series of considerations concerning how and in what form city-regionalism may evolve in Glasgow.


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