Modeling and Predicting the Spread of Covid-19: Comparative Results for the United States, the Philippines, and South Africa

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susmita Dasgupta ◽  
David Wheeler
1927 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-288 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elbridge Colby

In the April, 1926 number of this Journal, Professor Quincy Wright remarks, apropos of the Damascus bombardment:Does international law require the application of laws of war to peopleof a different civilization? The ancient Israelites are said to have denied the usual war restrictions to certain tribes against which they were sworn enemies, the ancient Greeks considered the rules of war recognized among Hellenes inapplicable to barbarians, and medieval Christian civilization took a similar attitude toward war with the infidel. An English writer in1906 draws attention to “ the peculiarly barbarous type of warfare which civilized powers wage against tribes of inferior civilization. When I contemplate,” he adds, “ such modem heroes as Gordon, and Kitchener, and Roberts, I find them in alliance with slave dealers or Mandarins, orcutting down fruit trees, burning farms, concentrating women and children, protecting military trains with prisoners, bribing other prisoners to fight against their fellow countrymen. These are performances which seem to take us back to the bad old times. What a terrible tale will the recording angel have to note against England and Germany in South Africa, against France in Madagascar and Tonquin, against the United States in the Philippines,against Spain in Cuba, against the Dutch in the East Indies,against the Belgians in the Congo State.” Possibly the emphasis, in most accounts of the recent bombardment of Damascus, upon the fact that relatively slight damage was done to Europeans and Americans indicates the existence of this distinction in the moral sense of western communities.


2022 ◽  
pp. 1549-1559
Author(s):  
Rupanada Misra ◽  
Leo Eyombo ◽  
Floyd T. Phillips

This chapter provides an overview of minority experience and the development of gaming technology all over the world. The use of gaming for education and entertainment is not limited to the United States, but globally gaming and education is viewed positively. This positive altitude needs to be explored to develop new educative and engaging strategies for minorities. In this chapter, the authors explore the use of gaming technology in other countries of the world. The countries are Canada, Spain, the Philippines, Norway, Korea, China, and South Africa.


Author(s):  
Marina E. Henke

This chapter focuses on the Korean War, which constituted the first instance of multilateral military coalition building in the post-World War II era. The U.S. government served as the pivotal state in this coalition-building effort. The chapter then looks at the deployment decisions of the three largest troop-contributing countries: the United Kingdom, Canada, and Turkey; the Philippines, a deeply embedded state with the United States in 1950; and South Africa, a weakly embedded state with the United States in 1950. The deployment decisions of the U.K. and Canada were the result of intense U.S. prodding involving a mixture of personal appeals, incentives, and threats. In this process, the U.S. government instrumentalized diplomatic networks to the greatest extent possible. Meanwhile, the Philippines was lured into the coalition via U.S. diplomatic embeddedness. Finally, in the case of South Africa, diplomatic embeddedness played no direct role. Rather, South Africa perceived the Korean War as an opportunity to gain from the U.S. long-desired military equipment, in particular military aircraft.


This chapter provides an overview of minority experience and the development of gaming technology all over the world. The use of gaming for education and entertainment is not limited to the United States, but globally gaming and education is viewed positively. This positive altitude needs to be explored to develop new educative and engaging strategies for minorities. In this chapter, the authors explore the use of gaming technology in other countries of the world. The countries are Canada, Spain, the Philippines, Norway, Korea, China, and South Africa.


1965 ◽  
Vol 5 (49) ◽  
pp. 198-198

During 1964, the Visitors' Service of the ICRC received some 2,500 persons.Many of these were members of National Societies of the Red Cross, Red Crescent and the Red Lion and Sun, representing more than 50 different nations: Afghanistan, Argentina, Australia, Austria, Belgium, Brazil, Cambodia, Canada, Chile, China, Congo, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Ethiopia, Finland, France, Germany, Great Britain, Greece, Guatemala, Hungary, India, Iran, Iraq, Italy, Japan, Korea, Lebanon, Malaysia, Mexico, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Nigeria, Pakistan, Peru, the Philippines, Poland, Rumania, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Spain, Sudan, Sweden, Switzerland, the United States, Upper Volta, Uruguay, the USSR and Yugoslavia.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick M. Kirkwood

In the first decade of the twentieth century, a rising generation of British colonial administrators profoundly altered British usage of American history in imperial debates. In the process, they influenced both South African history and wider British imperial thought. Prior usage of the Revolution and Early Republic in such debates focused on the United States as a cautionary tale, warning against future ‘lost colonies’. Aided by the publication of F. S. Oliver's Alexander Hamilton (1906), administrators in South Africa used the figures of Hamilton and George Washington, the Federalist Papers, and the drafting of the Constitution as an Anglo-exceptionalist model of (modern) self-government. In doing so they applied the lessons of the Early Republic to South Africa, thereby contributing to the formation of the Union of 1910. They then brought their reconception of the United States, and their belief in the need for ‘imperial federation’, back to the metropole. There they fostered growing diplomatic ties with the US while recasting British political history in-light-of the example of American federation. This process of inter-imperial exchange culminated shortly after the signing of the Treaty of Versailles when the Boer Generals Botha and Smuts were publicly presented as Washington and Hamilton reborn.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gremil Alessandro Naz

<p>This paper examines the changes in Filipino immigrants’ perceptions about themselves and of Americans before and after coming to the United States. Filipinos have a general perception of themselves as an ethnic group. They also have perceptions about Americans whose media products regularly reach the Philippines. Eleven Filipinos who have permanently migrated to the US were interviewed about their perceptions of Filipinos and Americans. Before coming to the US, they saw themselves as hardworking, family-oriented, poor, shy, corrupt, proud, adaptable, fatalistic, humble, adventurous, persevering, gossipmonger, and happy. They described Americans as rich, arrogant, educated, workaholic, proud, powerful, spoiled, helpful, boastful, materialistic, individualistic, talented, domineering, friendly, accommodating, helpful, clean, and kind. Most of the respondents changed their perceptions of Filipinos and of Americans after coming to the US. They now view Filipinos as having acquired American values or “Americanized.” On the other hand, they stopped perceiving Americans as a homogenous group possessing the same values after they got into direct contact with them. The findings validate social perception and appraisal theory, and symbolic interaction theory.</p>


Author(s):  
Celine Parreñas Shimizu

Transnational films representing intimacy and inequality disrupt and disgust Western spectators. When wounded bodies within poverty entangle with healthy wealthy bodies in sex, romance and care, fear and hatred combine with desire and fetishism. Works from the Philippines, South Korea, and independents from the United States and France may not be made for the West and may not make use of Hollywood traditions. Rather, they demand recognition for the knowledge they produce beyond our existing frames. They challenge us to go beyond passive consumption, or introspection of ourselves as spectators, for they represent new ways of world-making we cannot unsee, unhear, or unfeel. The spectator is redirected to go beyond the rapture of consuming the other to the rupture that arises from witnessing pain and suffering. Self-displacement is what proximity to intimate inequality in cinema ultimately compels and demands so as to establish an ethical way of relating to others. In undoing the spectator, the voice of the transnational filmmaker emerges. Not only do we need to listen to filmmakers from outside Hollywood who unflinchingly engage the inexpressibility of difference, we need to make room for critics and theorists who prioritize the subjectivities of others. When the demographics of filmmakers and film scholars are not as diverse as its spectators, films narrow our worldviews. To recognize our culpability in the denigration of others unleashes the power of cinema. The unbearability of stories we don’t want to watch and don’t want to feel must be borne.


Author(s):  
Roberts Cynthia ◽  
Leslie Armijo ◽  
Saori Katada

This chapter evaluates multiple dimensions of the global power shift from the incumbent G5/G7 powers to the rising powers, especially the members of the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa). Taking note of alternative conceptualizations of interstate “power,” the text maps the redistribution of economic capabilities from the G7 to the BRICS, most particularly the relative rise of China and decline of Japan, and especially Europe. Given these clear trends in measurable material capabilities, the BRICS have obtained considerable autonomy from outside pressures. Although the BRICS’ economic, financial, and monetary capabilities remain uneven, their relative positions have improved steadily. Via extensive data analysis, the chapter finds that whether one examines China alone or the BRICS as a group, BRICS members have achieved the necessary capabilities to challenge the global economic and financial leadership of the currently dominant powers, perhaps even the United States one day.


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