Scholarship on Social Movement Organziations: Classic Views and Emerging Trends

2005 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
Beth Caniglia ◽  
JoAnn Carmin

This essay examines research on social movement organizations (SMOs) within each of the three major schools of social movement theory: resource mobilization, political process, and cultural-cognitive approaches. We map the general terrain of these perspectives and demonstrate how they have established enduring and emerging trends in SMO scholarship. By briefly revisiting some of the central findings and theoretical arguments of SMO research, we provide a background for future research in social movement organizational processes and a foundation for the articles contained in this special issue.

2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nguyen Thi Huyen Trang ◽  
Tran Thi Hoai

Based on the Vietnamese Government’s documents and the practice of societalization of education (SE) in Vietnam over the past years, the paper presents the main causes of the ineffectiveness of SE's policy and compares Vietnam’s SE with the basic characteristics of a general social movement. The paper concludes that there was a need of mobilizing social resources to promote the SE in the current context. Keywords Societalization of education, mobilization of social resources, social movement, primary resource References 1. J.S. Coleman , Social capital in the creation of human capital, American Journal of Sociology (Supplement) 94 (1988) S95–S120.2. B. Edwards, J.D. McCarthy Resource mobilization and social movements, in D.A. Snow, S.A. Soule and H. Kriesi (eds), The Blackwell Companion to Social Movements, Blackwell Oxford (2004).3. B. Edwards, M. Kane Resource mobilization and social and political movements in Hein-Anton Van Der Heijden (Eds) Handbook of Political Citizenship and Social Movements, Edward Elgar Publishing Cheltenham and Northampton (2014).4. D.M. Cress, D.A. Snow, Mobilization at the margins: resources, benefactors, and the viability of homeless social movement organizations, American Sociological Review 61(6) (1996) 1089–109.5. D. McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1890–1970, University of Chicago Press. Chicago (1982).6. Nguyễn Văn Thắng Một số vấn đề quản trị trong huy động nguồn lực xã hội cho giáo dục và y tế. Tạp chí Kinh tế và Phát triển 218 (2015) 11-19.7. Ban Chấp hành Trung Ương Hội Khuyến học Việt Nam Báo cáo của Ban Chấp hành trung ương lần thứ 7, nhiệm kỳ IV (2011 – 2015) Hà Nội (2016).8. Đặng Ứng Vận, Nguyễn Thị Huyền Trang Thách thức và giải pháp đối với các trường đại học ngoài công lập Tạp chí Khoa học giáo dục 89 (2013) 16-20.9. Ban Chấp hành trung ương Đảng Cộng sản Việt Nam khóa XI, Nghị quyết số 29-NQ/TW ngày 4/11/2013 Hội nghị Trung ương 8 khóa XI về đổi mới căn bản, toàn diện giáo dục và đào tạo, Hà Nội (2015)10. Xem Nghị quyết số 05/2005/NQ-CP ngày 18/04/2005 và Nghị định số 69/2008/NĐ-CP ngày 30/05/2008. Gần đây nhất ngày 16/6/2014 Chính phủ đã ban hành Nghị định số 59/2014/NĐ-CP sửa đổi, bổ sung một số điều của NĐ 69 và sau đó là Thông tư số 156/2014/TT-BTC ngày 23/10/2014 của Bộ Tài chính.11. xem ví dụ Luật GD đại học số 08/2012/QH13 do Quốc hội ban hành ngày 18/06/201212. xem ví dụ Quyết định 693/QĐ-TTg ngày 06/05/2013 của Thủ tướng Chính phủ về việc sửa đổi bổ sung một số nội dung của Danh mục chi tiết các loại hình, tiêu chí quy mô, tiêu chuẩn của các cơ sở thực hiện xã hội hóa trong lĩnh vực giáo dục và đào tạo, dạy nghề, y tế, văn hóa, thể thao, môi trường ban hành kèm theo Quyết định số 1466/QĐ-TTg ngày 10/10/2008 của Thủ tướng Chính phủ).


2000 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-257 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Kitts

Recent research has focused on the role of social networks in facilitating participation in protest and social movement organizations. This paper elaborates three currents of microstructural explanation, based on information, identity, and exchange. In assessing these perspectives, it compares their treatment of multivalence, the tendency for social ties to inhibit as well as promote participation. Considering two dimensions of multivalence—the value of the social tie and the direction of social pressure—this paper discusses problems of measurement and interpretation in network analysis of movement participation. A critical review suggests some directions for future research.


2003 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-85 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel Stillerman

Geography is a central factor influencing political opportunities, alliances between movement organizations and elites, and contentious repertoires. Scholarship incidentally refers to the relationship between geography and social protest, though recent work gives space greater theoretical importance. I bridge key concepts in social movement theory with work on space and protest through an analysis of a 1960 metalworkers' strike in Santiago, Chile and comparison with a contemporaneous provincial coal miners' strike. This article presents evidence that (1) characteristics of the built environment and everyday spatial routines in specific locales influence activists' tactical repertoires; (2) local political opportunities and alliance patterns significantly affect movement strategy and protest outcomes: and (3) social movement organizations operate within a nested opportunity structure in which local, regional, national, and international actors and opportunities interact in the context of con-tentious episodes. The findings have implications for studies of tactical repertoires and policing, comparisons of local movements, and nested opportunities in centralized and federal states.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 297-323 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alvin B. Tillery

AbstractThis paper examines the ways that social movement organizations affiliated with the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement use Twitter through three content analysis studies. The main finding presented in the paper is that the modal tweet generated between December 1, 2015 and October 31, 2016 was an emotional response—an expression of sadness, outrage, or despair—to police brutality and the killings of African Americans. The second key finding is that BLM organizations generated more tweets that framed the movement as a struggle for individual rights than ones that utilized frames about gender, racial, and LGBTQ identities. Finally, the paper shows that BLM activists urge their followers to pursue disruptive repertoires of contention less frequently than they encourage other political behaviors. These findings suggest that the BLM movement is intelligible through both the resource mobilization and new social movement paradigms within social movement studies.


2021 ◽  
pp. 146144482110265
Author(s):  
Jörg Haßler ◽  
Anna-Katharina Wurst ◽  
Marc Jungblut ◽  
Katharina Schlosser

Social movement organizations (SMOs) increasingly rely on Twitter to create new and viral communication spaces alongside newsworthy protest events and communicate their grievance directly to the public. When the COVID-19 pandemic impeded street protests in spring 2020, SMOs had to adapt their strategies to online-only formats. We analyze the German-language Twitter communication of the climate movement Fridays for Future (FFF) before and during the lockdown to explain how SMOs adapted their strategy under online-only conditions. We collected (re-)tweets containing the hashtag #fridaysforfuture ( N = 46,881 tweets, N = 225,562 retweets) and analyzed Twitter activity, use of hashtags, and predominant topics. Results show that although the number of tweets was already steadily declining before, it sharply dropped during the lockdown. Moreover, the use of hashtags changed substantially and tweets focused increasingly on thematic discourses and debates around the legitimacy of FFF, while tweets about protests and calls for mobilization decreased.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Kate Hunt

How do social movement organizations involved in abortion debates leverage a global crisis to pursue their goals? In recent months there has been media coverage of how anti-abortion actors in the United States attempted to use the COVID-19 pandemic to restrict access to abortion by classifying abortion as a non-essential medical procedure. Was the crisis “exploited” by social movement organizations (SMOs) in other countries? I bring together Crisis Exploitation Theory and the concept of discursive opportunity structures to test whether social movement organizations exploit crisis in ways similar to elites, with those seeking change being more likely to capitalize on the opportunities provided by the crisis. Because Twitter tends to be on the frontlines of political debate—especially during a pandemic—a dataset is compiled of over 12,000 Tweets from the accounts of SMOs involved in abortion debates across four countries to analyze the patterns in how they responded to the pandemic. The results suggest that crisis may disrupt expectations about SMO behavior and that anti- and pro-abortion rights organizations at times framed the crisis as both a “threat” and as an “opportunity.”


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