scholarly journals War, Imperialism, and colonies: a view of the US press

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 219-222
Author(s):  
Sergey Olegovich Buranok

Questions about the perspectives of the European empires colonial system after the Great War, forms and ways of its transition to postcolonial age, relativity of the colonial powers experience to the US foreign policy, were very popular and quite debating for the American public opinion during and after the end of the World War I. colonial system research cannot be complete without studying the press of the powers that signed the Versailles Treaty. In order to give a detailed analysis of international relationships in terms of the global transformations from the American point of view relevant newspaper articles published after the Great War should be analyzed. The results have shown changes in priority in schemes of colonial system transformation as it was viewed in American public discourse during 1919-1922. Woodrow Wilson plan for the colonial powers dismantle was gradually replaced by the less radical plans, which presupposed the use of the colonial experience in the US foreign policy. Materials of the American press for the 1919-1922 reveals that there was a search of the most effective and optimum strategy of the relations with the European empires as well as with its dependent territories. Analysis of American press reveals its steady interest in negative and positive experience of colonial empires in search of the lessons of history. In 1919-1922 most prominent journalists were focused on Europe, which was represented as the cornerstone for the US foreign policy by the White House, the US State Department and the media. And we can clearly see another factor affecting approaches to the colonial issue in American press. It was the Soviet Russia attention and support to the national liberation movements in Asia and Africa. The Red Menace had become one of the factors that forced American media to redefine the colonial issue in light of the new world order which had been created after the end of the Great War on the base of the Versailles Treaty.

1997 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 248-291 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clyde W. Barrow

In 1916, Charles A. Beard was denouncing Germany as “a danger to civilization” and calling for American participation in World War I on the side of the Entente Allies. Like John Dewey and other social-democrats, Beard saw the Great War as an opportunity to advance the interests of the European working class by breaking “the union of the Hohenzollern military caste and the German masses whose radical leaders are Social Democrats”. Even after the Versailles Treaty, Beard continued to embrace the Wilsonian theme that the Great War had been fought to make the world safe for democracy. However, by the mid–1980s, he was staunchly opposed to war with Germany and Japan, had come to embrace the revisionist history of World War I, and even testified before Congress against the Lend-Lease Act. Thus, intellectual historians agree that somewhere between the end of World War I and the 1930s, Beard shifted from internationalism to isolationism and, indeed, a few critics have referred to him as a pacifist in his later years. Within the umbrella of this consensus, debates among biographers, intellectual and diplomatic historians, have come to center largely on identifying the timing and the reasons for Beard's “conversion” to isolationism. Not coincidentally, during the 1960s and 1970s, Beard's writings on foreign policy and diplomatic history enjoyed a resurgence among many on the New Left who were constructing their own revisionist history critical of America's political and military involvement in various Third World countries. Today, Beard's views are still cited in international relations and history textbooks as an example of isolationist theory in American foreign policy.


2006 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 200-202
Author(s):  
Jon Stephenson

Review of The Great War for Civilisation: The Conquest of the Middle East, by Robert Fisk Since 9/11 and the US-led invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq, British journalist Robert Fisk has built a huge following as a staunch critic of George W. Bush’s ‘war on terror’. But Fisk’s cogent—often controversial—analysis of American foreign policy and Western meddling and mendacity in the Middle East is nothing new: based in Beirut, he has reported for 30 years on conflicts from Algeria to Afghanistan.


Author(s):  
Dmytro Lakishyk

The article analyzes the doctrinal and geostrategic foundation of the US foreign policy in the period from George Bush to Barack Obama. We argue that the fundamental approach G.W. Bush was formally based on the concept of critical geopolitics, which made possible to use all known forms of influence to change the political and economic state systems in its focus. Further, we show that key means of implementing this strategy were: the rejection of isolationism and protectionism; focus on leadership as an alternative to isolationism; free and fair trade and open markets as opposed to protectionism; preventive influence on events. The Obama administration demonstrates a clear commitment to multilateralism in making and implementing decisions that carry global significance. The proposed Barack Obama’s foreign policy strategy contains a number of important innovations of tactical and strategic nature: in particular, for the first time it combines all of the key tools of American influence – diplomacy, economic instruments, military strength and intelligence; national security forces to serve geopolitical interests. We discuss four aspects of the foreign policy – security; economic prosperity; promotion of «universal values»; strengthening of world order under the American leadership. International political strategy of the USA maintains a global focus, which requires daily reinforcement of global leadership and safeguarding of the active ties with allies and partners. US maintain a unique set of tools that enable a targeted and multidimensional influence on the world economy and international relations. At the same time, US foreign policy is becoming more balanced and restrained, avoiding excessive obligations, risk or resources.


Author(s):  
Taras Piatnychuk

In the article searching the main trends in relations between the United States and Poland during 1918-1921. The reasons of the interest in the Polish question by the US ruling circles during the Great War are considering. The author analyzes the motives that prompted Poland to focused in its foreign policy on the US. Explored specific measures taken by Poland to achieved its goals in relations with the United States. In particular, in such issues as financial assistance and increase the number of Poland armed forces. The author identified the factors that caused the deterioration of relations between the two countries.


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 46
Author(s):  
Mokhamad Toha Rudin

The aim of this study is to conduct a critical analysis of Kissinger’s article “America’s Assignment” on Newsweek 2004, and to elaborate US foreign policy toward Islam world and Terrorism after the end if the Cold War, this article also tries to find the ideology or tradition of American foreign policy reflected in Kissinger’s article “America’s Assignment”, and how is Realism ideology reflected in the article. The study employs library research in which the data gathered from books, journals, magazines, and internet. The study also employs Van Dijk’s critical linguistic model for the critical analysis of Kissinger’s “America’s Assignment”.The result of the study shows that Kissinger’s “America’s Assignment” reflects both "multilateralistrealist” and “realist-idealist” perspectives for the US foreign policy that the US government should employ. He argues that no single superpower in the world could manage the world order alone without the participants of other world countries. He opposes W. Bush’s unilateral foreign policy toward Iraq though he agrees to “the move toward empire (terrorist) must be halted immediately”. He also argues that bringing democracy into the world, especially Iraq and Muslim worlds, is necessary in order to set up the new world order. The study also shows that after the collapse of the Soviet Union, there is a new ideological and cultural conflict between Islam, especially the militant fundamentalist in the fringe of Islam, against the US (Western) globalization of democratization. The new conflict is also generated by the Western phobia toward Islam that can be traced back to the mid-century when the War of Crusade between Islam and Christianity happened.Keywords: US foreign policy, Realist, Idealist, Multilateralist, Unilateralist


Author(s):  
David Milne

This chapter investigates the most ascendant ideas at work in America's rise to become a global power and then a superpower after the end of World War I. Segmenting US foreign policy since 1919 by “grand strategy” would seem to require grand simplification. Even those administrations commonly identified as practicing quintessential grand strategy appear more inchoate when approached from the protagonists’ perspectives at the time. To give one such example, the sequence of foreign policy innovations that the United States spearheaded from 1945 to 1949 were collectively possessed of considerable foresight. But they were also a series of strategies advocated by various actors at different times with motives that do not necessarily reduce to a mono-strategic essence. Even in regard to post-1945 US foreign policy, a period that has been sub-divided by many distinguished scholars, it is difficult to identify clearly demarcated grand strategies that provide overarching clarity. The chapter focuses on the ascendant ideas that have informed policymaking, shaped public discourse, forced other ideas into decline, and that can perhaps even be identified as “representative” of particular eras.


2020 ◽  
Vol 04 (01) ◽  
pp. 107-121
Author(s):  
Syed Muhammad Saad Zaidi ◽  
Dr. Adam Saud

Over the years, where the United States’ (US) foreign policy has predominantly propagated ideas towing the liberal line, such as peace and prosperity, stability and security, democracy and defense; the manifestation of these principles have always been conducted through hardcore realist traditions; might makes right, shrewd military dominance and economic strong-arming. Though, the US foreign policy always had a soft tone to it, as if it was serving the greater good. Thus, was overwhelmingly accepted by other states. However, for the first time in history, under President Trump, the US has adopted a foreign policy regime which clearly tows the offensive realist principles, especially vis-à-vis China. Now, the US has adopted ‘economic isolation,’ deliberately instigated a trade-war, opted out of meticulously negotiated multilateral agreements; Trans-Pacific Partnership, Paris Agreement, Iran Nuclear Deal etc., threaten to disband NATO, and purposely escalated tensions with China; which all negate the soul of the liberal world order, which the US promulgated and intends to sustain. This paper shed lights on the foreign policy initiatives undertaken by the Trump regime vis-à-vis China, especially how they negate the preceding US strategies.


Author(s):  
Vladimir ROMANOV

The article explores the US academic community’s role in shaping the new ideological paradigm of the New World Order vision after the Great War end. Most American intellectuals shared the basic principles of Wilsonianism, although their community consisted of numerous research and educational corporations and renowned scientists with differing approaches. President Woodrow Wilson regularly engaged scientists in foreign policy planning process. While widening thinking among American political and academic elites, the WWI fostered in their minds a new pattern of American exceptionalism concept.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document